ventura.antonella94@libero.it<\/p>\n
DOI: 10.7431\/RIV20022019<\/p>\n
It was the year 13381<\/a><\/sup> when magister <\/em>Ugolino di Vieri and his Sienese partners <\/em>signed the most famous masterpiece of Italian goldsmithery of the whole XIVth<\/sup> century: the Reliquary of the Holy Corporal, shielded into Orvieto Cathedral (Fig. 1<\/a>). Commissioned one year before, by Tramo Monaldeschi, the city\u2019s bishop, and by canons of the Cathedral, this majestic tabernacle was projected to house a precious relic. This was the Holy Corporal, the liturgical linen wet with drops of blood miraculously spurted out from a host, during a religious ceremony in Bolsena2<\/a><\/sup>. This miracle happened in 1263 or 1264, in the church of Santa Cristina in Bolsena: after a pilgrimage to Rome, a bohemian priest had arrived there; he didn\u2019t believe in the transubstantiation, but he celebrated the liturgy anyway and, during the function, the miracle occurred, testifying this dogmatic phenomenon3<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\n This episode was strictly connectted with the building of Orvieto Cathedral, because Pope Urban the IVth<\/sup>, who lived in the Umbrian centre at that time, ordered the relic to be brought there, solemnly4<\/a><\/sup>. The presence of this holy vestigial in Orvieto determined the decision to build a new Cathedral, replacing the older structure which had been crumbling since 11995<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 2<\/a>). The first stone was set down in 1290 by Pope Nicol\u00f2 the IVth<\/sup> and the most important period for the construction started from 1308, when magister <\/em>Lorenzo Maitani was called from Siena to remedy the structure\u2019s precariousness6<\/a><\/sup>. Maitani also worked on the Cathedral\u2019s facade, whose projects are still shielded into the Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo in Orvierto: these are two pieces of parchment and the difference between them subsists in the conformation of the facade: the former, monocuspidale<\/em>, and the latter tricuspidale<\/em>7<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 3<\/a>). <\/em><\/p>\n Although there are many different opinions concerning the fatherhood of the first project, which mention several personalities (first of all friar Bevignate from Perugia or more renowned ones, such as Ramo di Paganello and the most famous Arnolfo di Cambio8<\/a><\/sup>), the second illustration was certainly signed by Lorenzo Maitani and it was mentioned in inventories since 13569<\/a><\/sup>. The most important evidence, worthy to be considered, is that the tricuspidale <\/em>project was definitively used as a servile model for the facade\u2019s construction and it was certainly observed and studied by Ugolino di Vieri, in order to design the precious reliquary. Therefore, both the monumental structure and the smaller sumptuous tabernacle were projected for the same aim, namely to house the relic of the Holy Corporal.<\/p>\n Clearly, the particular and singular form of the reliquary supposes some questions, as to why Ugolino di Vieri was inspired by the facade\u2019s structure in order to design reliquary. Probably the answer derives directly from the rectangular form of the Holy Corporal linen and from the need of not bending it10<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\n Nevertheless, the reliquary of the Holy Corporal of Orvieto is an artifact realized in golden silver and translucent enamels11<\/a><\/sup>. The socle has a concave and trapezoidal shape and is rhythmic by eight micro-sculptures, representing four Evangelists, on the principal face, and four Prophets on the rear. Among them, King David is the only one recognisable. This socle is also adorned with other eight enamelled scenes. On its frame runs the inscription, which names patrons and masters. The central body is structured as the Cathedral\u2019s facade, tripartite by four pillars, and it fakes the real external division in three naves, with the lateral naves smaller than the central one. The inner parts among the pillars are decorated by three orders of enamelled panels: each side of the tabernacle is adorned by twelve scenes (Fig. 4<\/a>). On the reliquary\u2019s rear there are two small doors, through which the Holy Corporal is visible, protected by a glass slab12<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 5<\/a>). The apical zone is composed by four towers and three cusps: the central one is wider than the others because it houses the Holy host13<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 6<\/a>). On the top, towers and cusps are surmounted by micro-sculptures, portraying angels, Saint Joseph of Arimatea, Saint Nicodemus and the Crucified Christ between the Virgin and Saint John the Evangelist. Furthermore, at their base, are situated angels with tubas, on the principal face, and lions on the rear, while two she-wolves are laterally positioned, faking gargoyles. Brilliant, vivid and polychrome enamels also cover cusps, towers and the Cross, together with precious stones. Figures of Prophets, angels and saints are enamelled on the smaller parts, while the most important enamelled scenes are set in the central body: these ones represent sixteen christological scenes and, the remaining eight, describe the sequence of events, related to the miracle of Bolsena14<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 7<\/a>).<\/p>\n Critics often lingered on these enamels, searching to identify the different personalities, who worked on this precious reliquary, such as Tondino di Guerrino, Andrea Riguardi, Viva di Lando and other Sienese artists. They also searched to attribute the fatherhood of each enamel to a single personality15<\/a><\/sup>. This research, focused only on enamels, puts into the background other questions about the tabernacle, such as its relationschip with the project of the Cathedral\u2019s facade, drawn by Lorenzo Maitani, and certainly taken as a model by Ugolino di Vieri.<\/p>\n This drawing, together with the previous one, is probably the first known project, used as a scientific representation, a calculated orthogonal projection, faithfully used as a model for the monumental building. If the first and the older project was connected with the French culture, the second one simplified gothic style in a more classical and harmonic composition16<\/a><\/sup>. Maitani\u2019s parchment measures 122 cm in height and 89,5 cm in width and, according to previous studies, the progressive relation between the drawing and the monumental facade is in scale 1:4017<\/a><\/sup>. The reliquary, instead, measures 139 cm in height and 63 cm in width18<\/a><\/sup>. So, there aren\u2019t any strictly relationships between tabernacle\u2019s measurements and project ones, because reliquary\u2019s design is bound to the particular form of the relic itself. Despite the lack of scalar relationships, it\u2019s important to underline that the tabernacle of Ugolino di Vieri copies the tripartite facade of the Cathedral and consequently the tricuspidale <\/em>project of Lorenzo Maitani, repeating also foliaceous decorations, which complete cusps, or the polygonal shape of pillars: both in the artifact and in the facade, external pillars are larger than the inner ones (Fig. 8<\/a>). Instead, the complex sculptural plan which lies on the monumental facade, probably also overseen by capomastro <\/em>Maitani, is summarized into the thirty-one golden silver micro-sculptures19<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\n Ugolino di Vieri, the most famous goldsmith of the Sienese XIVth<\/sup> century, also signed, with his partner Viva di Lando, another masterpiece of Italian goldsmithry, that is the reliquary of saint Sabino, as the inscription shows20<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 9<\/a>). This is a golden copper artifact, adorned with translucent enamels, depicting angels, Prophets and hagiographical scenes of the eponymous saint, bishop of Canosa in the VIth<\/sup> century. This artifact shows a stand out architectonical conformation: housing skull\u2019s relic of saint Sabino, it moves away from traditional bust-shape reliquaries, used to hold this type of vestigials, and it shapes as a gothic ciborium. Six crouched lions support the hexagonal socle, which replays the form of Siena\u2019s dome; the socle is completed with a hemispherical calotte on a dodecagonal tambour: It is this calotte that houses Saint Sabino\u2019s skull.<\/p>\n On this basal structure the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Baby raises up, protected within a thin niche, which is composed of six columns, holding up a gothic structure, adorned with gargoyles, pinnacles, peaks and trilobate arches. This niche is surmounted by a peak, housing inside the all-round sculpture of saint Sabino. The whole artifact is completed and culminated with another all-round sculpture of an angel, the result of a later addition21<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\n On the one hand, this reliquary is related with coeval architectonical buildings, both in Florence and in Siena, and, on the other hand, with a previous goldsmithing masterpiece. This is the reliquary of saint Galgano, made around the end of XIIIth<\/sup> century or at the beginning of the following one22<\/a><\/sup>. Moreover, the reliquary of Saint Sabino was also linked with the realisation of the Holy Corporal tabernacle, because, according to an unverified information, it was commissioned to Ugolino di Vieri and Viva di Lando, in order to try out their skills before their later commission on the Holy Corporal reliquary23<\/a><\/sup>; its inscription, nevertheless, only mentiones Ugolino di Vieri, but not Viva di Lando. Independently from the reliability of this notice, the two masterpieces can be considered almost coeval; sometimes, the reliquary of Saint Sabino has been dated by critics to shortly after the Holy Corporal one, approximately between 1340 and 134524<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\n Also in this case, critics have stopped trying to understand the fatherhood of the architectonical structure, of sculptures and of enamles25<\/a><\/sup>, but nobody has sought to explaine why in a reliquary, consecrated to a specific saint, such as saint Sabino, his sculpture occupies such a hidden place, while the Virgin dominates all the composition. In order to stress the importance of this Holy character, also the reliquary\u2019s structure was modified, preferring a ciborium composition, instead of the most canonical body-shape one. The Virgin stands with her solid and massive corporality, regarding her Child, who gently caresses her visage. Formerly she was crowned, but this royal attribute is now lost (Fig. 10<\/a>). Both the sculptures of the Virgin with the Child and of saint Sabino join to the manner of stone sculptors, such as Giovanni Pisano, Tino di Camaino, Goro di Gregorio and also Lando di Pietro, who was Viva di Lando\u2019s father26<\/a><\/sup>: this evidence demonstrates how close stylistic and iconographic relationships between monumental and \u2018minor\u2019 arts were.<\/p>\n Another Virgin, holding up her Child, stands into a niche in the gothic ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, shielded into the Museo Nicolaiano of Bari27<\/a><\/sup>. This particular artifact has the form of a unique-nave church, surmounted by an high tower (Fig. 11<\/a>). At the base there are four crouched lions, holding the whole architecture. The lower socle is composed of a basic double band: the first and lower level is adorned with an ivy foliage, which runs all around, while on the second and upper one, a series of saints, depicted under round arches, and colourful birds are laid out; both saints and birds are painted with translucent enamels. The central body simulates a gothic Cathedral, with stained-glass windows, some of them are depicted and reproduce saints. Windows are framed under bending arches, which lie on thin buttresses. The central structure is completed with gargoyles, four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus and denticular motives. The roof is double-sloped and adorned with other four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus, in which other saints are enamelled. A tower rises from the centre of the roof, housing inside the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Child (Fig. 12<\/a>). This tower is completed with a pinnacle, enamelled with Hungary emblems, while a lilied cross soars on top28<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\n The Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em> shares many elements with saint Sabino\u2019s reliquary, first of all the crouched lions, a motive that had a remarkable fortune between XIIIth<\/sup> and XIVth<\/sup> centuries29<\/a><\/sup>; other similar features are translucent enamels, ivy foliage, gargoyles, and lastly, the more gothic Virgin. In the Apulian masterpiece she is crowned and she holds her Baby, assuming a particular pose, the so-called hanchement<\/em>. This was an attitude, mainly connected with ivory sculptures, in which the curvilinear shape of elephant\u2019s fangs imposed a back curving, giving to figures a thin and smart pose. This one was so appreciated that it was transferred from ivory to other supports, such as marble or metals, fitting together with gothic style30<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\n The Apuliam ch\u00e2sse<\/em> is dated between 1326 and 1346, according to the opinion which linked this artifact with the personality of Pietro de Morerijs, the proven\u00e7al prior and treasurer of the Basilica of San Nicola in Bari, who fulfilled the role during that time frame. Always considered as a product of the Angevin goldsmithery, however its exact provenance is still not clear: this reliquary is differently related, by critics, to Neapolitan, French or Sienese areas, following the common Angevin thread that introduced gothic art into Southern Italy, passing through Tuscany and Campania31<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\n Nevertheless, both reliquaries share the presence of the Virgin with her Child, isolated and emphasized under the niche, according to a model replicated into monumental architectures or other artifact\u2019s typologies, such as ivory ones. In Apulia specifically, the connection is with the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta in Lucera, where a Virgin with the Baby is housed into the lunette of the major threshold of the Cathedral32<\/a><\/sup>; moreover into the Museo Diocesano of Trani is shielded the so-called \u2018Altarolo\u2019 of Charles the First, which is a composite artifact made in ivory and ebony, commissioned by the Angevin king, in order to commemorate the death of his second-born Philip, in 1277, in which the more gothic Mary and her Baby stands into a slim niche and becomes the focus of the narrative programm of the lateral doors, which show the scenes of Christ\u2019s Infancy33<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 13). These examples prove that Mary, with her Baby, was always considered as the first Holy entity to whom to turn to in prayer: she was seen as a favoured mediator, strictly connected with the Lord\u2019s mercy. In the examined reliquaries, her location, directly upon the relic\u2019s box, means that she emphasizes the role of these holy vestigials, protecting and safeguarding them. In order to fix this particular necessity, masters conformed architectural reliquaries, by miniaturizing their scales and embellishing them with precious materials, creating fantastic gothic buildings. These scaling alterations was possible only in \u2018minor\u2019 arts and they fulfill to spread a specific meaning.<\/p>\n Finally, the artifacts, considered in this excursus, <\/em>convey different meanings: on the one hand, the Holy Corporal\u2019s reliquary, based on Lorenzo Maitani\u2019s drawning, is the miniaturisation of the of the Cathedral\u2019s facade in Orvieto and it is still used for the same purpose for which the Cathedral itself was erected, that is to house the Holy linen of Bolsena. On the other hand, the reliquary of saint Sabino and the Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, whose shapes derives directly from architectural structures, create small gothic houses for the Virgin, in which this Holy character, with her shining golden figure, evokes both patrons\u2019 and masters\u2019 magnificence and also helps prayers and believers\u2019s faith to get closer to God. In all these three examples scales are modified: in the first one it happens in order to face practical demands and structural references; in the last two, in order to spread symbolic, religious and devotional meanings.<\/p>\n
![Fig. 1<\/a>). Commissioned one year before, by Tramo Monaldeschi, the city\u2019s bishop, and by canons of the Cathedral, this majestic tabernacle was projected to house a precious relic. This was the Holy Corporal, the liturgical linen wet with drops of blood miraculously spurted out from a host, during a religious ceremony in Bolsena2<\/a><\/sup>. This miracle happened in 1263 or 1264, in the church of Santa Cristina in Bolsena: after a pilgrimage to Rome, a bohemian priest had arrived there; he didn\u2019t believe in the transubstantiation, but he celebrated the liturgy anyway and, during the function, the miracle occurred, testifying this dogmatic phenomenon3<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThis episode was strictly connectted with the building of Orvieto Cathedral, because Pope Urban the IVth<\/sup>, who lived in the Umbrian centre at that time, ordered the relic to be brought there, solemnly4<\/a><\/sup>. The presence of this holy vestigial in Orvieto determined the decision to build a new Cathedral, replacing the older structure which had been crumbling since 11995<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 2<\/a>). The first stone was set down in 1290 by Pope Nicol\u00f2 the IVth<\/sup> and the most important period for the construction started from 1308, when magister <\/em>Lorenzo Maitani was called from Siena to remedy the structure\u2019s precariousness6<\/a><\/sup>. Maitani also worked on the Cathedral\u2019s facade, whose projects are still shielded into the Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo in Orvierto: these are two pieces of parchment and the difference between them subsists in the conformation of the facade: the former, monocuspidale<\/em>, and the latter tricuspidale<\/em>7<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 3<\/a>). <\/em><\/p>\nAlthough there are many different opinions concerning the fatherhood of the first project, which mention several personalities (first of all friar Bevignate from Perugia or more renowned ones, such as Ramo di Paganello and the most famous Arnolfo di Cambio8<\/a><\/sup>), the second illustration was certainly signed by Lorenzo Maitani and it was mentioned in inventories since 13569<\/a><\/sup>. The most important evidence, worthy to be considered, is that the tricuspidale <\/em>project was definitively used as a servile model for the facade\u2019s construction and it was certainly observed and studied by Ugolino di Vieri, in order to design the precious reliquary. Therefore, both the monumental structure and the smaller sumptuous tabernacle were projected for the same aim, namely to house the relic of the Holy Corporal.<\/p>\nClearly, the particular and singular form of the reliquary supposes some questions, as to why Ugolino di Vieri was inspired by the facade\u2019s structure in order to design reliquary. Probably the answer derives directly from the rectangular form of the Holy Corporal linen and from the need of not bending it10<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nNevertheless, the reliquary of the Holy Corporal of Orvieto is an artifact realized in golden silver and translucent enamels11<\/a><\/sup>. The socle has a concave and trapezoidal shape and is rhythmic by eight micro-sculptures, representing four Evangelists, on the principal face, and four Prophets on the rear. Among them, King David is the only one recognisable. This socle is also adorned with other eight enamelled scenes. On its frame runs the inscription, which names patrons and masters. The central body is structured as the Cathedral\u2019s facade, tripartite by four pillars, and it fakes the real external division in three naves, with the lateral naves smaller than the central one. The inner parts among the pillars are decorated by three orders of enamelled panels: each side of the tabernacle is adorned by twelve scenes (Fig. 4<\/a>). On the reliquary\u2019s rear there are two small doors, through which the Holy Corporal is visible, protected by a glass slab12<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 5<\/a>). The apical zone is composed by four towers and three cusps: the central one is wider than the others because it houses the Holy host13<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 6<\/a>). On the top, towers and cusps are surmounted by micro-sculptures, portraying angels, Saint Joseph of Arimatea, Saint Nicodemus and the Crucified Christ between the Virgin and Saint John the Evangelist. Furthermore, at their base, are situated angels with tubas, on the principal face, and lions on the rear, while two she-wolves are laterally positioned, faking gargoyles. Brilliant, vivid and polychrome enamels also cover cusps, towers and the Cross, together with precious stones. Figures of Prophets, angels and saints are enamelled on the smaller parts, while the most important enamelled scenes are set in the central body: these ones represent sixteen christological scenes and, the remaining eight, describe the sequence of events, related to the miracle of Bolsena14<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 7<\/a>).<\/p>\nCritics often lingered on these enamels, searching to identify the different personalities, who worked on this precious reliquary, such as Tondino di Guerrino, Andrea Riguardi, Viva di Lando and other Sienese artists. They also searched to attribute the fatherhood of each enamel to a single personality15<\/a><\/sup>. This research, focused only on enamels, puts into the background other questions about the tabernacle, such as its relationschip with the project of the Cathedral\u2019s facade, drawn by Lorenzo Maitani, and certainly taken as a model by Ugolino di Vieri.<\/p>\nThis drawing, together with the previous one, is probably the first known project, used as a scientific representation, a calculated orthogonal projection, faithfully used as a model for the monumental building. If the first and the older project was connected with the French culture, the second one simplified gothic style in a more classical and harmonic composition16<\/a><\/sup>. Maitani\u2019s parchment measures 122 cm in height and 89,5 cm in width and, according to previous studies, the progressive relation between the drawing and the monumental facade is in scale 1:4017<\/a><\/sup>. The reliquary, instead, measures 139 cm in height and 63 cm in width18<\/a><\/sup>. So, there aren\u2019t any strictly relationships between tabernacle\u2019s measurements and project ones, because reliquary\u2019s design is bound to the particular form of the relic itself. Despite the lack of scalar relationships, it\u2019s important to underline that the tabernacle of Ugolino di Vieri copies the tripartite facade of the Cathedral and consequently the tricuspidale <\/em>project of Lorenzo Maitani, repeating also foliaceous decorations, which complete cusps, or the polygonal shape of pillars: both in the artifact and in the facade, external pillars are larger than the inner ones (Fig. 8<\/a>). Instead, the complex sculptural plan which lies on the monumental facade, probably also overseen by capomastro <\/em>Maitani, is summarized into the thirty-one golden silver micro-sculptures19<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nUgolino di Vieri, the most famous goldsmith of the Sienese XIVth<\/sup> century, also signed, with his partner Viva di Lando, another masterpiece of Italian goldsmithry, that is the reliquary of saint Sabino, as the inscription shows20<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 9<\/a>). This is a golden copper artifact, adorned with translucent enamels, depicting angels, Prophets and hagiographical scenes of the eponymous saint, bishop of Canosa in the VIth<\/sup> century. This artifact shows a stand out architectonical conformation: housing skull\u2019s relic of saint Sabino, it moves away from traditional bust-shape reliquaries, used to hold this type of vestigials, and it shapes as a gothic ciborium. Six crouched lions support the hexagonal socle, which replays the form of Siena\u2019s dome; the socle is completed with a hemispherical calotte on a dodecagonal tambour: It is this calotte that houses Saint Sabino\u2019s skull.<\/p>\nOn this basal structure the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Baby raises up, protected within a thin niche, which is composed of six columns, holding up a gothic structure, adorned with gargoyles, pinnacles, peaks and trilobate arches. This niche is surmounted by a peak, housing inside the all-round sculpture of saint Sabino. The whole artifact is completed and culminated with another all-round sculpture of an angel, the result of a later addition21<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nOn the one hand, this reliquary is related with coeval architectonical buildings, both in Florence and in Siena, and, on the other hand, with a previous goldsmithing masterpiece. This is the reliquary of saint Galgano, made around the end of XIIIth<\/sup> century or at the beginning of the following one22<\/a><\/sup>. Moreover, the reliquary of Saint Sabino was also linked with the realisation of the Holy Corporal tabernacle, because, according to an unverified information, it was commissioned to Ugolino di Vieri and Viva di Lando, in order to try out their skills before their later commission on the Holy Corporal reliquary23<\/a><\/sup>; its inscription, nevertheless, only mentiones Ugolino di Vieri, but not Viva di Lando. Independently from the reliability of this notice, the two masterpieces can be considered almost coeval; sometimes, the reliquary of Saint Sabino has been dated by critics to shortly after the Holy Corporal one, approximately between 1340 and 134524<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nAlso in this case, critics have stopped trying to understand the fatherhood of the architectonical structure, of sculptures and of enamles25<\/a><\/sup>, but nobody has sought to explaine why in a reliquary, consecrated to a specific saint, such as saint Sabino, his sculpture occupies such a hidden place, while the Virgin dominates all the composition. In order to stress the importance of this Holy character, also the reliquary\u2019s structure was modified, preferring a ciborium composition, instead of the most canonical body-shape one. The Virgin stands with her solid and massive corporality, regarding her Child, who gently caresses her visage. Formerly she was crowned, but this royal attribute is now lost (Fig. 10<\/a>). Both the sculptures of the Virgin with the Child and of saint Sabino join to the manner of stone sculptors, such as Giovanni Pisano, Tino di Camaino, Goro di Gregorio and also Lando di Pietro, who was Viva di Lando\u2019s father26<\/a><\/sup>: this evidence demonstrates how close stylistic and iconographic relationships between monumental and \u2018minor\u2019 arts were.<\/p>\nAnother Virgin, holding up her Child, stands into a niche in the gothic ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, shielded into the Museo Nicolaiano of Bari27<\/a><\/sup>. This particular artifact has the form of a unique-nave church, surmounted by an high tower (Fig. 11<\/a>). At the base there are four crouched lions, holding the whole architecture. The lower socle is composed of a basic double band: the first and lower level is adorned with an ivy foliage, which runs all around, while on the second and upper one, a series of saints, depicted under round arches, and colourful birds are laid out; both saints and birds are painted with translucent enamels. The central body simulates a gothic Cathedral, with stained-glass windows, some of them are depicted and reproduce saints. Windows are framed under bending arches, which lie on thin buttresses. The central structure is completed with gargoyles, four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus and denticular motives. The roof is double-sloped and adorned with other four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus, in which other saints are enamelled. A tower rises from the centre of the roof, housing inside the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Child (Fig. 12<\/a>). This tower is completed with a pinnacle, enamelled with Hungary emblems, while a lilied cross soars on top28<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em> shares many elements with saint Sabino\u2019s reliquary, first of all the crouched lions, a motive that had a remarkable fortune between XIIIth<\/sup> and XIVth<\/sup> centuries29<\/a><\/sup>; other similar features are translucent enamels, ivy foliage, gargoyles, and lastly, the more gothic Virgin. In the Apulian masterpiece she is crowned and she holds her Baby, assuming a particular pose, the so-called hanchement<\/em>. This was an attitude, mainly connected with ivory sculptures, in which the curvilinear shape of elephant\u2019s fangs imposed a back curving, giving to figures a thin and smart pose. This one was so appreciated that it was transferred from ivory to other supports, such as marble or metals, fitting together with gothic style30<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apuliam ch\u00e2sse<\/em> is dated between 1326 and 1346, according to the opinion which linked this artifact with the personality of Pietro de Morerijs, the proven\u00e7al prior and treasurer of the Basilica of San Nicola in Bari, who fulfilled the role during that time frame. Always considered as a product of the Angevin goldsmithery, however its exact provenance is still not clear: this reliquary is differently related, by critics, to Neapolitan, French or Sienese areas, following the common Angevin thread that introduced gothic art into Southern Italy, passing through Tuscany and Campania31<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nNevertheless, both reliquaries share the presence of the Virgin with her Child, isolated and emphasized under the niche, according to a model replicated into monumental architectures or other artifact\u2019s typologies, such as ivory ones. In Apulia specifically, the connection is with the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta in Lucera, where a Virgin with the Baby is housed into the lunette of the major threshold of the Cathedral32<\/a><\/sup>; moreover into the Museo Diocesano of Trani is shielded the so-called \u2018Altarolo\u2019 of Charles the First, which is a composite artifact made in ivory and ebony, commissioned by the Angevin king, in order to commemorate the death of his second-born Philip, in 1277, in which the more gothic Mary and her Baby stands into a slim niche and becomes the focus of the narrative programm of the lateral doors, which show the scenes of Christ\u2019s Infancy33<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 13). These examples prove that Mary, with her Baby, was always considered as the first Holy entity to whom to turn to in prayer: she was seen as a favoured mediator, strictly connected with the Lord\u2019s mercy. In the examined reliquaries, her location, directly upon the relic\u2019s box, means that she emphasizes the role of these holy vestigials, protecting and safeguarding them. In order to fix this particular necessity, masters conformed architectural reliquaries, by miniaturizing their scales and embellishing them with precious materials, creating fantastic gothic buildings. These scaling alterations was possible only in \u2018minor\u2019 arts and they fulfill to spread a specific meaning.<\/p>\nFinally, the artifacts, considered in this excursus, <\/em>convey different meanings: on the one hand, the Holy Corporal\u2019s reliquary, based on Lorenzo Maitani\u2019s drawning, is the miniaturisation of the of the Cathedral\u2019s facade in Orvieto and it is still used for the same purpose for which the Cathedral itself was erected, that is to house the Holy linen of Bolsena. On the other hand, the reliquary of saint Sabino and the Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, whose shapes derives directly from architectural structures, create small gothic houses for the Virgin, in which this Holy character, with her shining golden figure, evokes both patrons\u2019 and masters\u2019 magnificence and also helps prayers and believers\u2019s faith to get closer to God. In all these three examples scales are modified: in the first one it happens in order to face practical demands and structural references; in the last two, in order to spread symbolic, religious and devotional meanings.<\/p>\nThis essay was presented to the Annual Medieval Postgraduate Colloquium \u201cScaling the Middle Ages: Size and scale in medieval art\u201d, organized by the Courtauld Institute of Art. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Van Marle, La scuola pittorica orvietana del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/2 (1923-1924), pp. 305-335, in particolare p. 306; E. Zocca, Due oggetti di oreficeria smaltata senese, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/26 (1933), pp. 379-384, in particolare p. 380; E. Carli, Il reliquiario del Corporale ad Orvieto, <\/em>Milano 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Il Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Roma 1965, pp. 123-138; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri gli smalti di Orvieto,<\/em> in \u201cForma e colore: i grandi classici dell\u2019arte, 9\u201d, <\/em>Firenze 1965, p. 1; M.P. Guida di Diario, Precisazioni su Ugolino di Vieri e soci, <\/em>in \u201cNapoli Nobilissima\u201d, V\/V-VI (1967), pp. 217-226, in particolare p. 217; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>\u201cTesori d\u2019arte cristiana. Cento chiese in Europa\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 3-30, in particolare pp. 15-17; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive della Cattedrale, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di Orvieto. Santa Maria Assunta in Cielo, <\/em>Roma 1990, pp. 41-106, in particolare p. 80; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Fra pittura e smalto nella prima met\u00e0 del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cAnnali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa\u201d, vol. 24, III\/2-3 (1994), pp. 739-741, in particolare p. 739; infra<\/em>, E. Cioni, Considerazioni sul reliquiario del Corporale nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 589-612, in particolare p. 589; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del Corporale a Orvieto e lo smalto senese di primo Trecento, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto e le grandi Cattedrali del Duecento, <\/em>atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 169-192, in particolare pp. 169-170; G. Cuccini, s.v. Orvieto. <\/em>Scultura e oreficeria, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019arte medievale, <\/em>vol. VIII, Roma 1997, pp. 894-899; G. Freni, The reliquary of the Holy Corporal in the cathedral of Orvieto: patronage and politics, <\/em>in Art, politics and civic religion in central Italy, 1261-1352: essays by postgraduate students at the Courtauld Institute of Art, <\/em>a cura di J. Cannon-B. Williamson, Aldershot 2000, pp. 117-177, in particolare p. 118; P. Leone de Castris, s.v. Ugolino di Vieri, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019Arte Medievale, <\/em>vol. XI, Roma 2000, pp. 393-395; E. Cioni, Ugolino di Vieri e Viva di Lando<\/em>, <\/em>in Duccio. Alle origini della pittura senese, <\/em>catalogo della mostra (Siena, 2003-2004), a cura di A. Bagnoli-R. Bartalini-L. Bellosi,-M. Laclotte, Milano 2003, pp. 462-466, in particolare p. 466; R. Bartalini, Scultura gotica in Toscana. Maestri, monumenti, cantieri del Due e Trecento, <\/em>Milano 2005, p. 139; E. Rosatelli, La cappella del Corporale nel duomo di Orvieto. Fede-arte-storia, <\/em>Roma 2010, p. 41; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri e \u201csoci orafi\u201d, Reliquiario del Corporale di Bolsena, <\/em>in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte italiana \/ Medioevo. Siena e artisti senesi – Maestri orafi, <\/em>a cura di M.M. Donato, Roma 2013, pp. 80-83. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>X. Barbier de Montault, Le miracle de Bols\u00e8ne et le saint Corporal de Orvi\u00e9to, <\/em>in \u201cLe R\u00e8gne de J\u00e9sus-Christ. Revue illustr\u00e9e du Mus\u00e9e et de la Biblioth\u00e8que eucharistiques de Paray-Le-Monial\u201d, 1884, pp. 187-212; <\/em>E. Carli, Il reliquiario del\u2026<\/em>, 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Le sculture del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Bergamo 1947, p. 10; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-6; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, pp. 35-40: pp. 35-36; G. Freni, The reliquary of\u2026, <\/em>in Art, politics and\u2026, <\/em>2000, p. 123; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. <\/em>Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 81; P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade: papal politics and religious propaganda in medieval Orvieto,<\/em> in Visible exports\/imports: new research on medieval and Renaissance European art and culture, <\/em>a cura di E.J. Anderson-J. Farquhar-J. Richards, Newcastle-upon-Tyne 2012, pp. 125-139, in particolare pp. 131-132. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade\u2026, <\/em>in Visible exports\/imports<\/em>\u2026, 2012, pp. 125-127, 131. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto come problema storiografico, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto e le grandi cattedrali del Duecento<\/em>, Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 13-26: pp. 13-17 says that there were different reasons to the construction of the Cathedral, as civic, municipal, politic, economic and cultural motivs. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-4, 6-7; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 41; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral, ca. 1290-1310, <\/em>in \u201cThe Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians\u201d, 53\/3 (1994), pp. 300-321, in particolare pp. 301-303; A. Fiderer Moskowitz, Italian gothic sculpture c. 1250-c. <\/em>1400, <\/em>Cambridge 2001, pp. 120-130; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo di Orvieto. Metrologia e metrica di un progetto medievale, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa: le cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa; il ciclo scultoreo degli Apostoli e dell’Annunciazione nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>atti del I e II convegno (Orvieto, 11-13 novembre 2005, 16-17 novembre 2007), a cura di L. Andreani-A. Cannistr\u00e0, Orvieto 2010, pp. 55-74, in particolare p. 65. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>A. Garzelli, Museo di Orvieto. <\/em>Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo<\/em>, \u201cMusei d\u2019Italia meraviglie d\u2019Italia, 2\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 36-38; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 4, 7-8; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 42; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Sui disegni figurati trecenteschi del Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo a Orvieto, <\/em>in Ori e tesori d\u2019Europa, <\/em>atti del convegno di studi (Udine, 3-5 dicembre 1991), a cura di G. Bergamini – P. Goi, Udine 1992, pp. 245-254; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral<\/em>, 2001, p. 318; F. Cervini, Tralci di vita e paradisi di marmo. Per una lettura iconografica della facciata, <\/em>in La facciata del duomo di Orvieto. Teologia in figura, <\/em>Milano 2002, p. 46; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 19-20; infra<\/em>, J. White, I disegni per la facciata del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 69-98; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, pp. 55-74. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3, 6; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, pp. 41-42; G. Previtali, Studi sulla scultura gotica in Italia, <\/em>Torino 1991, pp. 16-30; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 17, 22; infra<\/em>, E. Carli, Architettura e scultura, <\/em>pp. 27-52, in particolare pp. 27-36; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, <\/em>2010, p. 57. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, 1990, p. 43; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, p. 58. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d,1965, p. 2; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del\u2026, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 169-170. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, p. 2. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>Ibidem<\/em>; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, p. 37; infra, <\/em>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 81; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 80. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, pp. 2-3. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>](\"http:\/\/oadiriv.unipa.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/ven01.jpg\"){kind=link}
![Fig. 2<\/a>). The first stone was set down in 1290 by Pope Nicol\u00f2 the IVth<\/sup> and the most important period for the construction started from 1308, when magister <\/em>Lorenzo Maitani was called from Siena to remedy the structure\u2019s precariousness6<\/a><\/sup>. Maitani also worked on the Cathedral\u2019s facade, whose projects are still shielded into the Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo in Orvierto: these are two pieces of parchment and the difference between them subsists in the conformation of the facade: the former, monocuspidale<\/em>, and the latter tricuspidale<\/em>7<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 3<\/a>). <\/em><\/p>\nAlthough there are many different opinions concerning the fatherhood of the first project, which mention several personalities (first of all friar Bevignate from Perugia or more renowned ones, such as Ramo di Paganello and the most famous Arnolfo di Cambio8<\/a><\/sup>), the second illustration was certainly signed by Lorenzo Maitani and it was mentioned in inventories since 13569<\/a><\/sup>. The most important evidence, worthy to be considered, is that the tricuspidale <\/em>project was definitively used as a servile model for the facade\u2019s construction and it was certainly observed and studied by Ugolino di Vieri, in order to design the precious reliquary. Therefore, both the monumental structure and the smaller sumptuous tabernacle were projected for the same aim, namely to house the relic of the Holy Corporal.<\/p>\nClearly, the particular and singular form of the reliquary supposes some questions, as to why Ugolino di Vieri was inspired by the facade\u2019s structure in order to design reliquary. Probably the answer derives directly from the rectangular form of the Holy Corporal linen and from the need of not bending it10<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nNevertheless, the reliquary of the Holy Corporal of Orvieto is an artifact realized in golden silver and translucent enamels11<\/a><\/sup>. The socle has a concave and trapezoidal shape and is rhythmic by eight micro-sculptures, representing four Evangelists, on the principal face, and four Prophets on the rear. Among them, King David is the only one recognisable. This socle is also adorned with other eight enamelled scenes. On its frame runs the inscription, which names patrons and masters. The central body is structured as the Cathedral\u2019s facade, tripartite by four pillars, and it fakes the real external division in three naves, with the lateral naves smaller than the central one. The inner parts among the pillars are decorated by three orders of enamelled panels: each side of the tabernacle is adorned by twelve scenes (Fig. 4<\/a>). On the reliquary\u2019s rear there are two small doors, through which the Holy Corporal is visible, protected by a glass slab12<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 5<\/a>). The apical zone is composed by four towers and three cusps: the central one is wider than the others because it houses the Holy host13<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 6<\/a>). On the top, towers and cusps are surmounted by micro-sculptures, portraying angels, Saint Joseph of Arimatea, Saint Nicodemus and the Crucified Christ between the Virgin and Saint John the Evangelist. Furthermore, at their base, are situated angels with tubas, on the principal face, and lions on the rear, while two she-wolves are laterally positioned, faking gargoyles. Brilliant, vivid and polychrome enamels also cover cusps, towers and the Cross, together with precious stones. Figures of Prophets, angels and saints are enamelled on the smaller parts, while the most important enamelled scenes are set in the central body: these ones represent sixteen christological scenes and, the remaining eight, describe the sequence of events, related to the miracle of Bolsena14<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 7<\/a>).<\/p>\nCritics often lingered on these enamels, searching to identify the different personalities, who worked on this precious reliquary, such as Tondino di Guerrino, Andrea Riguardi, Viva di Lando and other Sienese artists. They also searched to attribute the fatherhood of each enamel to a single personality15<\/a><\/sup>. This research, focused only on enamels, puts into the background other questions about the tabernacle, such as its relationschip with the project of the Cathedral\u2019s facade, drawn by Lorenzo Maitani, and certainly taken as a model by Ugolino di Vieri.<\/p>\nThis drawing, together with the previous one, is probably the first known project, used as a scientific representation, a calculated orthogonal projection, faithfully used as a model for the monumental building. If the first and the older project was connected with the French culture, the second one simplified gothic style in a more classical and harmonic composition16<\/a><\/sup>. Maitani\u2019s parchment measures 122 cm in height and 89,5 cm in width and, according to previous studies, the progressive relation between the drawing and the monumental facade is in scale 1:4017<\/a><\/sup>. The reliquary, instead, measures 139 cm in height and 63 cm in width18<\/a><\/sup>. So, there aren\u2019t any strictly relationships between tabernacle\u2019s measurements and project ones, because reliquary\u2019s design is bound to the particular form of the relic itself. Despite the lack of scalar relationships, it\u2019s important to underline that the tabernacle of Ugolino di Vieri copies the tripartite facade of the Cathedral and consequently the tricuspidale <\/em>project of Lorenzo Maitani, repeating also foliaceous decorations, which complete cusps, or the polygonal shape of pillars: both in the artifact and in the facade, external pillars are larger than the inner ones (Fig. 8<\/a>). Instead, the complex sculptural plan which lies on the monumental facade, probably also overseen by capomastro <\/em>Maitani, is summarized into the thirty-one golden silver micro-sculptures19<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nUgolino di Vieri, the most famous goldsmith of the Sienese XIVth<\/sup> century, also signed, with his partner Viva di Lando, another masterpiece of Italian goldsmithry, that is the reliquary of saint Sabino, as the inscription shows20<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 9<\/a>). This is a golden copper artifact, adorned with translucent enamels, depicting angels, Prophets and hagiographical scenes of the eponymous saint, bishop of Canosa in the VIth<\/sup> century. This artifact shows a stand out architectonical conformation: housing skull\u2019s relic of saint Sabino, it moves away from traditional bust-shape reliquaries, used to hold this type of vestigials, and it shapes as a gothic ciborium. Six crouched lions support the hexagonal socle, which replays the form of Siena\u2019s dome; the socle is completed with a hemispherical calotte on a dodecagonal tambour: It is this calotte that houses Saint Sabino\u2019s skull.<\/p>\nOn this basal structure the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Baby raises up, protected within a thin niche, which is composed of six columns, holding up a gothic structure, adorned with gargoyles, pinnacles, peaks and trilobate arches. This niche is surmounted by a peak, housing inside the all-round sculpture of saint Sabino. The whole artifact is completed and culminated with another all-round sculpture of an angel, the result of a later addition21<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nOn the one hand, this reliquary is related with coeval architectonical buildings, both in Florence and in Siena, and, on the other hand, with a previous goldsmithing masterpiece. This is the reliquary of saint Galgano, made around the end of XIIIth<\/sup> century or at the beginning of the following one22<\/a><\/sup>. Moreover, the reliquary of Saint Sabino was also linked with the realisation of the Holy Corporal tabernacle, because, according to an unverified information, it was commissioned to Ugolino di Vieri and Viva di Lando, in order to try out their skills before their later commission on the Holy Corporal reliquary23<\/a><\/sup>; its inscription, nevertheless, only mentiones Ugolino di Vieri, but not Viva di Lando. Independently from the reliability of this notice, the two masterpieces can be considered almost coeval; sometimes, the reliquary of Saint Sabino has been dated by critics to shortly after the Holy Corporal one, approximately between 1340 and 134524<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nAlso in this case, critics have stopped trying to understand the fatherhood of the architectonical structure, of sculptures and of enamles25<\/a><\/sup>, but nobody has sought to explaine why in a reliquary, consecrated to a specific saint, such as saint Sabino, his sculpture occupies such a hidden place, while the Virgin dominates all the composition. In order to stress the importance of this Holy character, also the reliquary\u2019s structure was modified, preferring a ciborium composition, instead of the most canonical body-shape one. The Virgin stands with her solid and massive corporality, regarding her Child, who gently caresses her visage. Formerly she was crowned, but this royal attribute is now lost (Fig. 10<\/a>). Both the sculptures of the Virgin with the Child and of saint Sabino join to the manner of stone sculptors, such as Giovanni Pisano, Tino di Camaino, Goro di Gregorio and also Lando di Pietro, who was Viva di Lando\u2019s father26<\/a><\/sup>: this evidence demonstrates how close stylistic and iconographic relationships between monumental and \u2018minor\u2019 arts were.<\/p>\nAnother Virgin, holding up her Child, stands into a niche in the gothic ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, shielded into the Museo Nicolaiano of Bari27<\/a><\/sup>. This particular artifact has the form of a unique-nave church, surmounted by an high tower (Fig. 11<\/a>). At the base there are four crouched lions, holding the whole architecture. The lower socle is composed of a basic double band: the first and lower level is adorned with an ivy foliage, which runs all around, while on the second and upper one, a series of saints, depicted under round arches, and colourful birds are laid out; both saints and birds are painted with translucent enamels. The central body simulates a gothic Cathedral, with stained-glass windows, some of them are depicted and reproduce saints. Windows are framed under bending arches, which lie on thin buttresses. The central structure is completed with gargoyles, four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus and denticular motives. The roof is double-sloped and adorned with other four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus, in which other saints are enamelled. A tower rises from the centre of the roof, housing inside the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Child (Fig. 12<\/a>). This tower is completed with a pinnacle, enamelled with Hungary emblems, while a lilied cross soars on top28<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em> shares many elements with saint Sabino\u2019s reliquary, first of all the crouched lions, a motive that had a remarkable fortune between XIIIth<\/sup> and XIVth<\/sup> centuries29<\/a><\/sup>; other similar features are translucent enamels, ivy foliage, gargoyles, and lastly, the more gothic Virgin. In the Apulian masterpiece she is crowned and she holds her Baby, assuming a particular pose, the so-called hanchement<\/em>. This was an attitude, mainly connected with ivory sculptures, in which the curvilinear shape of elephant\u2019s fangs imposed a back curving, giving to figures a thin and smart pose. This one was so appreciated that it was transferred from ivory to other supports, such as marble or metals, fitting together with gothic style30<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apuliam ch\u00e2sse<\/em> is dated between 1326 and 1346, according to the opinion which linked this artifact with the personality of Pietro de Morerijs, the proven\u00e7al prior and treasurer of the Basilica of San Nicola in Bari, who fulfilled the role during that time frame. Always considered as a product of the Angevin goldsmithery, however its exact provenance is still not clear: this reliquary is differently related, by critics, to Neapolitan, French or Sienese areas, following the common Angevin thread that introduced gothic art into Southern Italy, passing through Tuscany and Campania31<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nNevertheless, both reliquaries share the presence of the Virgin with her Child, isolated and emphasized under the niche, according to a model replicated into monumental architectures or other artifact\u2019s typologies, such as ivory ones. In Apulia specifically, the connection is with the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta in Lucera, where a Virgin with the Baby is housed into the lunette of the major threshold of the Cathedral32<\/a><\/sup>; moreover into the Museo Diocesano of Trani is shielded the so-called \u2018Altarolo\u2019 of Charles the First, which is a composite artifact made in ivory and ebony, commissioned by the Angevin king, in order to commemorate the death of his second-born Philip, in 1277, in which the more gothic Mary and her Baby stands into a slim niche and becomes the focus of the narrative programm of the lateral doors, which show the scenes of Christ\u2019s Infancy33<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 13). These examples prove that Mary, with her Baby, was always considered as the first Holy entity to whom to turn to in prayer: she was seen as a favoured mediator, strictly connected with the Lord\u2019s mercy. In the examined reliquaries, her location, directly upon the relic\u2019s box, means that she emphasizes the role of these holy vestigials, protecting and safeguarding them. In order to fix this particular necessity, masters conformed architectural reliquaries, by miniaturizing their scales and embellishing them with precious materials, creating fantastic gothic buildings. These scaling alterations was possible only in \u2018minor\u2019 arts and they fulfill to spread a specific meaning.<\/p>\nFinally, the artifacts, considered in this excursus, <\/em>convey different meanings: on the one hand, the Holy Corporal\u2019s reliquary, based on Lorenzo Maitani\u2019s drawning, is the miniaturisation of the of the Cathedral\u2019s facade in Orvieto and it is still used for the same purpose for which the Cathedral itself was erected, that is to house the Holy linen of Bolsena. On the other hand, the reliquary of saint Sabino and the Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, whose shapes derives directly from architectural structures, create small gothic houses for the Virgin, in which this Holy character, with her shining golden figure, evokes both patrons\u2019 and masters\u2019 magnificence and also helps prayers and believers\u2019s faith to get closer to God. In all these three examples scales are modified: in the first one it happens in order to face practical demands and structural references; in the last two, in order to spread symbolic, religious and devotional meanings.<\/p>\nThis essay was presented to the Annual Medieval Postgraduate Colloquium \u201cScaling the Middle Ages: Size and scale in medieval art\u201d, organized by the Courtauld Institute of Art. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Van Marle, La scuola pittorica orvietana del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/2 (1923-1924), pp. 305-335, in particolare p. 306; E. Zocca, Due oggetti di oreficeria smaltata senese, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/26 (1933), pp. 379-384, in particolare p. 380; E. Carli, Il reliquiario del Corporale ad Orvieto, <\/em>Milano 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Il Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Roma 1965, pp. 123-138; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri gli smalti di Orvieto,<\/em> in \u201cForma e colore: i grandi classici dell\u2019arte, 9\u201d, <\/em>Firenze 1965, p. 1; M.P. Guida di Diario, Precisazioni su Ugolino di Vieri e soci, <\/em>in \u201cNapoli Nobilissima\u201d, V\/V-VI (1967), pp. 217-226, in particolare p. 217; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>\u201cTesori d\u2019arte cristiana. Cento chiese in Europa\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 3-30, in particolare pp. 15-17; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive della Cattedrale, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di Orvieto. Santa Maria Assunta in Cielo, <\/em>Roma 1990, pp. 41-106, in particolare p. 80; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Fra pittura e smalto nella prima met\u00e0 del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cAnnali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa\u201d, vol. 24, III\/2-3 (1994), pp. 739-741, in particolare p. 739; infra<\/em>, E. Cioni, Considerazioni sul reliquiario del Corporale nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 589-612, in particolare p. 589; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del Corporale a Orvieto e lo smalto senese di primo Trecento, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto e le grandi Cattedrali del Duecento, <\/em>atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 169-192, in particolare pp. 169-170; G. Cuccini, s.v. Orvieto. <\/em>Scultura e oreficeria, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019arte medievale, <\/em>vol. VIII, Roma 1997, pp. 894-899; G. Freni, The reliquary of the Holy Corporal in the cathedral of Orvieto: patronage and politics, <\/em>in Art, politics and civic religion in central Italy, 1261-1352: essays by postgraduate students at the Courtauld Institute of Art, <\/em>a cura di J. Cannon-B. Williamson, Aldershot 2000, pp. 117-177, in particolare p. 118; P. Leone de Castris, s.v. Ugolino di Vieri, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019Arte Medievale, <\/em>vol. XI, Roma 2000, pp. 393-395; E. Cioni, Ugolino di Vieri e Viva di Lando<\/em>, <\/em>in Duccio. Alle origini della pittura senese, <\/em>catalogo della mostra (Siena, 2003-2004), a cura di A. Bagnoli-R. Bartalini-L. Bellosi,-M. Laclotte, Milano 2003, pp. 462-466, in particolare p. 466; R. Bartalini, Scultura gotica in Toscana. Maestri, monumenti, cantieri del Due e Trecento, <\/em>Milano 2005, p. 139; E. Rosatelli, La cappella del Corporale nel duomo di Orvieto. Fede-arte-storia, <\/em>Roma 2010, p. 41; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri e \u201csoci orafi\u201d, Reliquiario del Corporale di Bolsena, <\/em>in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte italiana \/ Medioevo. Siena e artisti senesi – Maestri orafi, <\/em>a cura di M.M. Donato, Roma 2013, pp. 80-83. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>X. Barbier de Montault, Le miracle de Bols\u00e8ne et le saint Corporal de Orvi\u00e9to, <\/em>in \u201cLe R\u00e8gne de J\u00e9sus-Christ. Revue illustr\u00e9e du Mus\u00e9e et de la Biblioth\u00e8que eucharistiques de Paray-Le-Monial\u201d, 1884, pp. 187-212; <\/em>E. Carli, Il reliquiario del\u2026<\/em>, 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Le sculture del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Bergamo 1947, p. 10; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-6; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, pp. 35-40: pp. 35-36; G. Freni, The reliquary of\u2026, <\/em>in Art, politics and\u2026, <\/em>2000, p. 123; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. <\/em>Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 81; P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade: papal politics and religious propaganda in medieval Orvieto,<\/em> in Visible exports\/imports: new research on medieval and Renaissance European art and culture, <\/em>a cura di E.J. Anderson-J. Farquhar-J. Richards, Newcastle-upon-Tyne 2012, pp. 125-139, in particolare pp. 131-132. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade\u2026, <\/em>in Visible exports\/imports<\/em>\u2026, 2012, pp. 125-127, 131. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto come problema storiografico, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto e le grandi cattedrali del Duecento<\/em>, Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 13-26: pp. 13-17 says that there were different reasons to the construction of the Cathedral, as civic, municipal, politic, economic and cultural motivs. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-4, 6-7; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 41; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral, ca. 1290-1310, <\/em>in \u201cThe Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians\u201d, 53\/3 (1994), pp. 300-321, in particolare pp. 301-303; A. Fiderer Moskowitz, Italian gothic sculpture c. 1250-c. <\/em>1400, <\/em>Cambridge 2001, pp. 120-130; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo di Orvieto. Metrologia e metrica di un progetto medievale, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa: le cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa; il ciclo scultoreo degli Apostoli e dell’Annunciazione nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>atti del I e II convegno (Orvieto, 11-13 novembre 2005, 16-17 novembre 2007), a cura di L. Andreani-A. Cannistr\u00e0, Orvieto 2010, pp. 55-74, in particolare p. 65. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>A. Garzelli, Museo di Orvieto. <\/em>Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo<\/em>, \u201cMusei d\u2019Italia meraviglie d\u2019Italia, 2\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 36-38; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 4, 7-8; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 42; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Sui disegni figurati trecenteschi del Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo a Orvieto, <\/em>in Ori e tesori d\u2019Europa, <\/em>atti del convegno di studi (Udine, 3-5 dicembre 1991), a cura di G. Bergamini – P. Goi, Udine 1992, pp. 245-254; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral<\/em>, 2001, p. 318; F. Cervini, Tralci di vita e paradisi di marmo. Per una lettura iconografica della facciata, <\/em>in La facciata del duomo di Orvieto. Teologia in figura, <\/em>Milano 2002, p. 46; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 19-20; infra<\/em>, J. White, I disegni per la facciata del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 69-98; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, pp. 55-74. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3, 6; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, pp. 41-42; G. Previtali, Studi sulla scultura gotica in Italia, <\/em>Torino 1991, pp. 16-30; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 17, 22; infra<\/em>, E. Carli, Architettura e scultura, <\/em>pp. 27-52, in particolare pp. 27-36; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, <\/em>2010, p. 57. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, 1990, p. 43; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, p. 58. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d,1965, p. 2; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del\u2026, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 169-170. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, p. 2. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>Ibidem<\/em>; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, p. 37; infra, <\/em>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 81; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 80. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, pp. 2-3. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>](\"http:\/\/oadiriv.unipa.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/ven02.jpg\"){kind=link}
![Fig. 3<\/a>). <\/em><\/p>\nAlthough there are many different opinions concerning the fatherhood of the first project, which mention several personalities (first of all friar Bevignate from Perugia or more renowned ones, such as Ramo di Paganello and the most famous Arnolfo di Cambio8<\/a><\/sup>), the second illustration was certainly signed by Lorenzo Maitani and it was mentioned in inventories since 13569<\/a><\/sup>. The most important evidence, worthy to be considered, is that the tricuspidale <\/em>project was definitively used as a servile model for the facade\u2019s construction and it was certainly observed and studied by Ugolino di Vieri, in order to design the precious reliquary. Therefore, both the monumental structure and the smaller sumptuous tabernacle were projected for the same aim, namely to house the relic of the Holy Corporal.<\/p>\nClearly, the particular and singular form of the reliquary supposes some questions, as to why Ugolino di Vieri was inspired by the facade\u2019s structure in order to design reliquary. Probably the answer derives directly from the rectangular form of the Holy Corporal linen and from the need of not bending it10<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nNevertheless, the reliquary of the Holy Corporal of Orvieto is an artifact realized in golden silver and translucent enamels11<\/a><\/sup>. The socle has a concave and trapezoidal shape and is rhythmic by eight micro-sculptures, representing four Evangelists, on the principal face, and four Prophets on the rear. Among them, King David is the only one recognisable. This socle is also adorned with other eight enamelled scenes. On its frame runs the inscription, which names patrons and masters. The central body is structured as the Cathedral\u2019s facade, tripartite by four pillars, and it fakes the real external division in three naves, with the lateral naves smaller than the central one. The inner parts among the pillars are decorated by three orders of enamelled panels: each side of the tabernacle is adorned by twelve scenes (Fig. 4<\/a>). On the reliquary\u2019s rear there are two small doors, through which the Holy Corporal is visible, protected by a glass slab12<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 5<\/a>). The apical zone is composed by four towers and three cusps: the central one is wider than the others because it houses the Holy host13<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 6<\/a>). On the top, towers and cusps are surmounted by micro-sculptures, portraying angels, Saint Joseph of Arimatea, Saint Nicodemus and the Crucified Christ between the Virgin and Saint John the Evangelist. Furthermore, at their base, are situated angels with tubas, on the principal face, and lions on the rear, while two she-wolves are laterally positioned, faking gargoyles. Brilliant, vivid and polychrome enamels also cover cusps, towers and the Cross, together with precious stones. Figures of Prophets, angels and saints are enamelled on the smaller parts, while the most important enamelled scenes are set in the central body: these ones represent sixteen christological scenes and, the remaining eight, describe the sequence of events, related to the miracle of Bolsena14<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 7<\/a>).<\/p>\nCritics often lingered on these enamels, searching to identify the different personalities, who worked on this precious reliquary, such as Tondino di Guerrino, Andrea Riguardi, Viva di Lando and other Sienese artists. They also searched to attribute the fatherhood of each enamel to a single personality15<\/a><\/sup>. This research, focused only on enamels, puts into the background other questions about the tabernacle, such as its relationschip with the project of the Cathedral\u2019s facade, drawn by Lorenzo Maitani, and certainly taken as a model by Ugolino di Vieri.<\/p>\nThis drawing, together with the previous one, is probably the first known project, used as a scientific representation, a calculated orthogonal projection, faithfully used as a model for the monumental building. If the first and the older project was connected with the French culture, the second one simplified gothic style in a more classical and harmonic composition16<\/a><\/sup>. Maitani\u2019s parchment measures 122 cm in height and 89,5 cm in width and, according to previous studies, the progressive relation between the drawing and the monumental facade is in scale 1:4017<\/a><\/sup>. The reliquary, instead, measures 139 cm in height and 63 cm in width18<\/a><\/sup>. So, there aren\u2019t any strictly relationships between tabernacle\u2019s measurements and project ones, because reliquary\u2019s design is bound to the particular form of the relic itself. Despite the lack of scalar relationships, it\u2019s important to underline that the tabernacle of Ugolino di Vieri copies the tripartite facade of the Cathedral and consequently the tricuspidale <\/em>project of Lorenzo Maitani, repeating also foliaceous decorations, which complete cusps, or the polygonal shape of pillars: both in the artifact and in the facade, external pillars are larger than the inner ones (Fig. 8<\/a>). Instead, the complex sculptural plan which lies on the monumental facade, probably also overseen by capomastro <\/em>Maitani, is summarized into the thirty-one golden silver micro-sculptures19<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nUgolino di Vieri, the most famous goldsmith of the Sienese XIVth<\/sup> century, also signed, with his partner Viva di Lando, another masterpiece of Italian goldsmithry, that is the reliquary of saint Sabino, as the inscription shows20<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 9<\/a>). This is a golden copper artifact, adorned with translucent enamels, depicting angels, Prophets and hagiographical scenes of the eponymous saint, bishop of Canosa in the VIth<\/sup> century. This artifact shows a stand out architectonical conformation: housing skull\u2019s relic of saint Sabino, it moves away from traditional bust-shape reliquaries, used to hold this type of vestigials, and it shapes as a gothic ciborium. Six crouched lions support the hexagonal socle, which replays the form of Siena\u2019s dome; the socle is completed with a hemispherical calotte on a dodecagonal tambour: It is this calotte that houses Saint Sabino\u2019s skull.<\/p>\nOn this basal structure the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Baby raises up, protected within a thin niche, which is composed of six columns, holding up a gothic structure, adorned with gargoyles, pinnacles, peaks and trilobate arches. This niche is surmounted by a peak, housing inside the all-round sculpture of saint Sabino. The whole artifact is completed and culminated with another all-round sculpture of an angel, the result of a later addition21<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nOn the one hand, this reliquary is related with coeval architectonical buildings, both in Florence and in Siena, and, on the other hand, with a previous goldsmithing masterpiece. This is the reliquary of saint Galgano, made around the end of XIIIth<\/sup> century or at the beginning of the following one22<\/a><\/sup>. Moreover, the reliquary of Saint Sabino was also linked with the realisation of the Holy Corporal tabernacle, because, according to an unverified information, it was commissioned to Ugolino di Vieri and Viva di Lando, in order to try out their skills before their later commission on the Holy Corporal reliquary23<\/a><\/sup>; its inscription, nevertheless, only mentiones Ugolino di Vieri, but not Viva di Lando. Independently from the reliability of this notice, the two masterpieces can be considered almost coeval; sometimes, the reliquary of Saint Sabino has been dated by critics to shortly after the Holy Corporal one, approximately between 1340 and 134524<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nAlso in this case, critics have stopped trying to understand the fatherhood of the architectonical structure, of sculptures and of enamles25<\/a><\/sup>, but nobody has sought to explaine why in a reliquary, consecrated to a specific saint, such as saint Sabino, his sculpture occupies such a hidden place, while the Virgin dominates all the composition. In order to stress the importance of this Holy character, also the reliquary\u2019s structure was modified, preferring a ciborium composition, instead of the most canonical body-shape one. The Virgin stands with her solid and massive corporality, regarding her Child, who gently caresses her visage. Formerly she was crowned, but this royal attribute is now lost (Fig. 10<\/a>). Both the sculptures of the Virgin with the Child and of saint Sabino join to the manner of stone sculptors, such as Giovanni Pisano, Tino di Camaino, Goro di Gregorio and also Lando di Pietro, who was Viva di Lando\u2019s father26<\/a><\/sup>: this evidence demonstrates how close stylistic and iconographic relationships between monumental and \u2018minor\u2019 arts were.<\/p>\nAnother Virgin, holding up her Child, stands into a niche in the gothic ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, shielded into the Museo Nicolaiano of Bari27<\/a><\/sup>. This particular artifact has the form of a unique-nave church, surmounted by an high tower (Fig. 11<\/a>). At the base there are four crouched lions, holding the whole architecture. The lower socle is composed of a basic double band: the first and lower level is adorned with an ivy foliage, which runs all around, while on the second and upper one, a series of saints, depicted under round arches, and colourful birds are laid out; both saints and birds are painted with translucent enamels. The central body simulates a gothic Cathedral, with stained-glass windows, some of them are depicted and reproduce saints. Windows are framed under bending arches, which lie on thin buttresses. The central structure is completed with gargoyles, four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus and denticular motives. The roof is double-sloped and adorned with other four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus, in which other saints are enamelled. A tower rises from the centre of the roof, housing inside the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Child (Fig. 12<\/a>). This tower is completed with a pinnacle, enamelled with Hungary emblems, while a lilied cross soars on top28<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em> shares many elements with saint Sabino\u2019s reliquary, first of all the crouched lions, a motive that had a remarkable fortune between XIIIth<\/sup> and XIVth<\/sup> centuries29<\/a><\/sup>; other similar features are translucent enamels, ivy foliage, gargoyles, and lastly, the more gothic Virgin. In the Apulian masterpiece she is crowned and she holds her Baby, assuming a particular pose, the so-called hanchement<\/em>. This was an attitude, mainly connected with ivory sculptures, in which the curvilinear shape of elephant\u2019s fangs imposed a back curving, giving to figures a thin and smart pose. This one was so appreciated that it was transferred from ivory to other supports, such as marble or metals, fitting together with gothic style30<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apuliam ch\u00e2sse<\/em> is dated between 1326 and 1346, according to the opinion which linked this artifact with the personality of Pietro de Morerijs, the proven\u00e7al prior and treasurer of the Basilica of San Nicola in Bari, who fulfilled the role during that time frame. Always considered as a product of the Angevin goldsmithery, however its exact provenance is still not clear: this reliquary is differently related, by critics, to Neapolitan, French or Sienese areas, following the common Angevin thread that introduced gothic art into Southern Italy, passing through Tuscany and Campania31<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nNevertheless, both reliquaries share the presence of the Virgin with her Child, isolated and emphasized under the niche, according to a model replicated into monumental architectures or other artifact\u2019s typologies, such as ivory ones. In Apulia specifically, the connection is with the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta in Lucera, where a Virgin with the Baby is housed into the lunette of the major threshold of the Cathedral32<\/a><\/sup>; moreover into the Museo Diocesano of Trani is shielded the so-called \u2018Altarolo\u2019 of Charles the First, which is a composite artifact made in ivory and ebony, commissioned by the Angevin king, in order to commemorate the death of his second-born Philip, in 1277, in which the more gothic Mary and her Baby stands into a slim niche and becomes the focus of the narrative programm of the lateral doors, which show the scenes of Christ\u2019s Infancy33<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 13). These examples prove that Mary, with her Baby, was always considered as the first Holy entity to whom to turn to in prayer: she was seen as a favoured mediator, strictly connected with the Lord\u2019s mercy. In the examined reliquaries, her location, directly upon the relic\u2019s box, means that she emphasizes the role of these holy vestigials, protecting and safeguarding them. In order to fix this particular necessity, masters conformed architectural reliquaries, by miniaturizing their scales and embellishing them with precious materials, creating fantastic gothic buildings. These scaling alterations was possible only in \u2018minor\u2019 arts and they fulfill to spread a specific meaning.<\/p>\nFinally, the artifacts, considered in this excursus, <\/em>convey different meanings: on the one hand, the Holy Corporal\u2019s reliquary, based on Lorenzo Maitani\u2019s drawning, is the miniaturisation of the of the Cathedral\u2019s facade in Orvieto and it is still used for the same purpose for which the Cathedral itself was erected, that is to house the Holy linen of Bolsena. On the other hand, the reliquary of saint Sabino and the Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, whose shapes derives directly from architectural structures, create small gothic houses for the Virgin, in which this Holy character, with her shining golden figure, evokes both patrons\u2019 and masters\u2019 magnificence and also helps prayers and believers\u2019s faith to get closer to God. In all these three examples scales are modified: in the first one it happens in order to face practical demands and structural references; in the last two, in order to spread symbolic, religious and devotional meanings.<\/p>\nThis essay was presented to the Annual Medieval Postgraduate Colloquium \u201cScaling the Middle Ages: Size and scale in medieval art\u201d, organized by the Courtauld Institute of Art. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Van Marle, La scuola pittorica orvietana del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/2 (1923-1924), pp. 305-335, in particolare p. 306; E. Zocca, Due oggetti di oreficeria smaltata senese, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/26 (1933), pp. 379-384, in particolare p. 380; E. Carli, Il reliquiario del Corporale ad Orvieto, <\/em>Milano 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Il Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Roma 1965, pp. 123-138; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri gli smalti di Orvieto,<\/em> in \u201cForma e colore: i grandi classici dell\u2019arte, 9\u201d, <\/em>Firenze 1965, p. 1; M.P. Guida di Diario, Precisazioni su Ugolino di Vieri e soci, <\/em>in \u201cNapoli Nobilissima\u201d, V\/V-VI (1967), pp. 217-226, in particolare p. 217; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>\u201cTesori d\u2019arte cristiana. Cento chiese in Europa\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 3-30, in particolare pp. 15-17; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive della Cattedrale, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di Orvieto. Santa Maria Assunta in Cielo, <\/em>Roma 1990, pp. 41-106, in particolare p. 80; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Fra pittura e smalto nella prima met\u00e0 del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cAnnali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa\u201d, vol. 24, III\/2-3 (1994), pp. 739-741, in particolare p. 739; infra<\/em>, E. Cioni, Considerazioni sul reliquiario del Corporale nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 589-612, in particolare p. 589; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del Corporale a Orvieto e lo smalto senese di primo Trecento, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto e le grandi Cattedrali del Duecento, <\/em>atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 169-192, in particolare pp. 169-170; G. Cuccini, s.v. Orvieto. <\/em>Scultura e oreficeria, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019arte medievale, <\/em>vol. VIII, Roma 1997, pp. 894-899; G. Freni, The reliquary of the Holy Corporal in the cathedral of Orvieto: patronage and politics, <\/em>in Art, politics and civic religion in central Italy, 1261-1352: essays by postgraduate students at the Courtauld Institute of Art, <\/em>a cura di J. Cannon-B. Williamson, Aldershot 2000, pp. 117-177, in particolare p. 118; P. Leone de Castris, s.v. Ugolino di Vieri, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019Arte Medievale, <\/em>vol. XI, Roma 2000, pp. 393-395; E. Cioni, Ugolino di Vieri e Viva di Lando<\/em>, <\/em>in Duccio. Alle origini della pittura senese, <\/em>catalogo della mostra (Siena, 2003-2004), a cura di A. Bagnoli-R. Bartalini-L. Bellosi,-M. Laclotte, Milano 2003, pp. 462-466, in particolare p. 466; R. Bartalini, Scultura gotica in Toscana. Maestri, monumenti, cantieri del Due e Trecento, <\/em>Milano 2005, p. 139; E. Rosatelli, La cappella del Corporale nel duomo di Orvieto. Fede-arte-storia, <\/em>Roma 2010, p. 41; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri e \u201csoci orafi\u201d, Reliquiario del Corporale di Bolsena, <\/em>in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte italiana \/ Medioevo. Siena e artisti senesi – Maestri orafi, <\/em>a cura di M.M. Donato, Roma 2013, pp. 80-83. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>X. Barbier de Montault, Le miracle de Bols\u00e8ne et le saint Corporal de Orvi\u00e9to, <\/em>in \u201cLe R\u00e8gne de J\u00e9sus-Christ. Revue illustr\u00e9e du Mus\u00e9e et de la Biblioth\u00e8que eucharistiques de Paray-Le-Monial\u201d, 1884, pp. 187-212; <\/em>E. Carli, Il reliquiario del\u2026<\/em>, 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Le sculture del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Bergamo 1947, p. 10; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-6; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, pp. 35-40: pp. 35-36; G. Freni, The reliquary of\u2026, <\/em>in Art, politics and\u2026, <\/em>2000, p. 123; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. <\/em>Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 81; P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade: papal politics and religious propaganda in medieval Orvieto,<\/em> in Visible exports\/imports: new research on medieval and Renaissance European art and culture, <\/em>a cura di E.J. Anderson-J. Farquhar-J. Richards, Newcastle-upon-Tyne 2012, pp. 125-139, in particolare pp. 131-132. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade\u2026, <\/em>in Visible exports\/imports<\/em>\u2026, 2012, pp. 125-127, 131. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto come problema storiografico, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto e le grandi cattedrali del Duecento<\/em>, Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 13-26: pp. 13-17 says that there were different reasons to the construction of the Cathedral, as civic, municipal, politic, economic and cultural motivs. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-4, 6-7; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 41; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral, ca. 1290-1310, <\/em>in \u201cThe Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians\u201d, 53\/3 (1994), pp. 300-321, in particolare pp. 301-303; A. Fiderer Moskowitz, Italian gothic sculpture c. 1250-c. <\/em>1400, <\/em>Cambridge 2001, pp. 120-130; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo di Orvieto. Metrologia e metrica di un progetto medievale, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa: le cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa; il ciclo scultoreo degli Apostoli e dell’Annunciazione nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>atti del I e II convegno (Orvieto, 11-13 novembre 2005, 16-17 novembre 2007), a cura di L. Andreani-A. Cannistr\u00e0, Orvieto 2010, pp. 55-74, in particolare p. 65. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>A. Garzelli, Museo di Orvieto. <\/em>Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo<\/em>, \u201cMusei d\u2019Italia meraviglie d\u2019Italia, 2\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 36-38; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 4, 7-8; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 42; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Sui disegni figurati trecenteschi del Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo a Orvieto, <\/em>in Ori e tesori d\u2019Europa, <\/em>atti del convegno di studi (Udine, 3-5 dicembre 1991), a cura di G. Bergamini – P. Goi, Udine 1992, pp. 245-254; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral<\/em>, 2001, p. 318; F. Cervini, Tralci di vita e paradisi di marmo. Per una lettura iconografica della facciata, <\/em>in La facciata del duomo di Orvieto. Teologia in figura, <\/em>Milano 2002, p. 46; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 19-20; infra<\/em>, J. White, I disegni per la facciata del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 69-98; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, pp. 55-74. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3, 6; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, pp. 41-42; G. Previtali, Studi sulla scultura gotica in Italia, <\/em>Torino 1991, pp. 16-30; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 17, 22; infra<\/em>, E. Carli, Architettura e scultura, <\/em>pp. 27-52, in particolare pp. 27-36; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, <\/em>2010, p. 57. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, 1990, p. 43; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, p. 58. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d,1965, p. 2; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del\u2026, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 169-170. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, p. 2. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>Ibidem<\/em>; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, p. 37; infra, <\/em>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 81; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 80. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, pp. 2-3. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>](\"http:\/\/oadiriv.unipa.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/ven03.jpg\"){kind=link}
![Fig. 4<\/a>). On the reliquary\u2019s rear there are two small doors, through which the Holy Corporal is visible, protected by a glass slab12<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 5<\/a>). The apical zone is composed by four towers and three cusps: the central one is wider than the others because it houses the Holy host13<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 6<\/a>). On the top, towers and cusps are surmounted by micro-sculptures, portraying angels, Saint Joseph of Arimatea, Saint Nicodemus and the Crucified Christ between the Virgin and Saint John the Evangelist. Furthermore, at their base, are situated angels with tubas, on the principal face, and lions on the rear, while two she-wolves are laterally positioned, faking gargoyles. Brilliant, vivid and polychrome enamels also cover cusps, towers and the Cross, together with precious stones. Figures of Prophets, angels and saints are enamelled on the smaller parts, while the most important enamelled scenes are set in the central body: these ones represent sixteen christological scenes and, the remaining eight, describe the sequence of events, related to the miracle of Bolsena14<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 7<\/a>).<\/p>\nCritics often lingered on these enamels, searching to identify the different personalities, who worked on this precious reliquary, such as Tondino di Guerrino, Andrea Riguardi, Viva di Lando and other Sienese artists. They also searched to attribute the fatherhood of each enamel to a single personality15<\/a><\/sup>. This research, focused only on enamels, puts into the background other questions about the tabernacle, such as its relationschip with the project of the Cathedral\u2019s facade, drawn by Lorenzo Maitani, and certainly taken as a model by Ugolino di Vieri.<\/p>\nThis drawing, together with the previous one, is probably the first known project, used as a scientific representation, a calculated orthogonal projection, faithfully used as a model for the monumental building. If the first and the older project was connected with the French culture, the second one simplified gothic style in a more classical and harmonic composition16<\/a><\/sup>. Maitani\u2019s parchment measures 122 cm in height and 89,5 cm in width and, according to previous studies, the progressive relation between the drawing and the monumental facade is in scale 1:4017<\/a><\/sup>. The reliquary, instead, measures 139 cm in height and 63 cm in width18<\/a><\/sup>. So, there aren\u2019t any strictly relationships between tabernacle\u2019s measurements and project ones, because reliquary\u2019s design is bound to the particular form of the relic itself. Despite the lack of scalar relationships, it\u2019s important to underline that the tabernacle of Ugolino di Vieri copies the tripartite facade of the Cathedral and consequently the tricuspidale <\/em>project of Lorenzo Maitani, repeating also foliaceous decorations, which complete cusps, or the polygonal shape of pillars: both in the artifact and in the facade, external pillars are larger than the inner ones (Fig. 8<\/a>). Instead, the complex sculptural plan which lies on the monumental facade, probably also overseen by capomastro <\/em>Maitani, is summarized into the thirty-one golden silver micro-sculptures19<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nUgolino di Vieri, the most famous goldsmith of the Sienese XIVth<\/sup> century, also signed, with his partner Viva di Lando, another masterpiece of Italian goldsmithry, that is the reliquary of saint Sabino, as the inscription shows20<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 9<\/a>). This is a golden copper artifact, adorned with translucent enamels, depicting angels, Prophets and hagiographical scenes of the eponymous saint, bishop of Canosa in the VIth<\/sup> century. This artifact shows a stand out architectonical conformation: housing skull\u2019s relic of saint Sabino, it moves away from traditional bust-shape reliquaries, used to hold this type of vestigials, and it shapes as a gothic ciborium. Six crouched lions support the hexagonal socle, which replays the form of Siena\u2019s dome; the socle is completed with a hemispherical calotte on a dodecagonal tambour: It is this calotte that houses Saint Sabino\u2019s skull.<\/p>\nOn this basal structure the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Baby raises up, protected within a thin niche, which is composed of six columns, holding up a gothic structure, adorned with gargoyles, pinnacles, peaks and trilobate arches. This niche is surmounted by a peak, housing inside the all-round sculpture of saint Sabino. The whole artifact is completed and culminated with another all-round sculpture of an angel, the result of a later addition21<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nOn the one hand, this reliquary is related with coeval architectonical buildings, both in Florence and in Siena, and, on the other hand, with a previous goldsmithing masterpiece. This is the reliquary of saint Galgano, made around the end of XIIIth<\/sup> century or at the beginning of the following one22<\/a><\/sup>. Moreover, the reliquary of Saint Sabino was also linked with the realisation of the Holy Corporal tabernacle, because, according to an unverified information, it was commissioned to Ugolino di Vieri and Viva di Lando, in order to try out their skills before their later commission on the Holy Corporal reliquary23<\/a><\/sup>; its inscription, nevertheless, only mentiones Ugolino di Vieri, but not Viva di Lando. Independently from the reliability of this notice, the two masterpieces can be considered almost coeval; sometimes, the reliquary of Saint Sabino has been dated by critics to shortly after the Holy Corporal one, approximately between 1340 and 134524<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nAlso in this case, critics have stopped trying to understand the fatherhood of the architectonical structure, of sculptures and of enamles25<\/a><\/sup>, but nobody has sought to explaine why in a reliquary, consecrated to a specific saint, such as saint Sabino, his sculpture occupies such a hidden place, while the Virgin dominates all the composition. In order to stress the importance of this Holy character, also the reliquary\u2019s structure was modified, preferring a ciborium composition, instead of the most canonical body-shape one. The Virgin stands with her solid and massive corporality, regarding her Child, who gently caresses her visage. Formerly she was crowned, but this royal attribute is now lost (Fig. 10<\/a>). Both the sculptures of the Virgin with the Child and of saint Sabino join to the manner of stone sculptors, such as Giovanni Pisano, Tino di Camaino, Goro di Gregorio and also Lando di Pietro, who was Viva di Lando\u2019s father26<\/a><\/sup>: this evidence demonstrates how close stylistic and iconographic relationships between monumental and \u2018minor\u2019 arts were.<\/p>\nAnother Virgin, holding up her Child, stands into a niche in the gothic ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, shielded into the Museo Nicolaiano of Bari27<\/a><\/sup>. This particular artifact has the form of a unique-nave church, surmounted by an high tower (Fig. 11<\/a>). At the base there are four crouched lions, holding the whole architecture. The lower socle is composed of a basic double band: the first and lower level is adorned with an ivy foliage, which runs all around, while on the second and upper one, a series of saints, depicted under round arches, and colourful birds are laid out; both saints and birds are painted with translucent enamels. The central body simulates a gothic Cathedral, with stained-glass windows, some of them are depicted and reproduce saints. Windows are framed under bending arches, which lie on thin buttresses. The central structure is completed with gargoyles, four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus and denticular motives. The roof is double-sloped and adorned with other four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus, in which other saints are enamelled. A tower rises from the centre of the roof, housing inside the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Child (Fig. 12<\/a>). This tower is completed with a pinnacle, enamelled with Hungary emblems, while a lilied cross soars on top28<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em> shares many elements with saint Sabino\u2019s reliquary, first of all the crouched lions, a motive that had a remarkable fortune between XIIIth<\/sup> and XIVth<\/sup> centuries29<\/a><\/sup>; other similar features are translucent enamels, ivy foliage, gargoyles, and lastly, the more gothic Virgin. In the Apulian masterpiece she is crowned and she holds her Baby, assuming a particular pose, the so-called hanchement<\/em>. This was an attitude, mainly connected with ivory sculptures, in which the curvilinear shape of elephant\u2019s fangs imposed a back curving, giving to figures a thin and smart pose. This one was so appreciated that it was transferred from ivory to other supports, such as marble or metals, fitting together with gothic style30<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apuliam ch\u00e2sse<\/em> is dated between 1326 and 1346, according to the opinion which linked this artifact with the personality of Pietro de Morerijs, the proven\u00e7al prior and treasurer of the Basilica of San Nicola in Bari, who fulfilled the role during that time frame. Always considered as a product of the Angevin goldsmithery, however its exact provenance is still not clear: this reliquary is differently related, by critics, to Neapolitan, French or Sienese areas, following the common Angevin thread that introduced gothic art into Southern Italy, passing through Tuscany and Campania31<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nNevertheless, both reliquaries share the presence of the Virgin with her Child, isolated and emphasized under the niche, according to a model replicated into monumental architectures or other artifact\u2019s typologies, such as ivory ones. In Apulia specifically, the connection is with the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta in Lucera, where a Virgin with the Baby is housed into the lunette of the major threshold of the Cathedral32<\/a><\/sup>; moreover into the Museo Diocesano of Trani is shielded the so-called \u2018Altarolo\u2019 of Charles the First, which is a composite artifact made in ivory and ebony, commissioned by the Angevin king, in order to commemorate the death of his second-born Philip, in 1277, in which the more gothic Mary and her Baby stands into a slim niche and becomes the focus of the narrative programm of the lateral doors, which show the scenes of Christ\u2019s Infancy33<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 13). These examples prove that Mary, with her Baby, was always considered as the first Holy entity to whom to turn to in prayer: she was seen as a favoured mediator, strictly connected with the Lord\u2019s mercy. In the examined reliquaries, her location, directly upon the relic\u2019s box, means that she emphasizes the role of these holy vestigials, protecting and safeguarding them. In order to fix this particular necessity, masters conformed architectural reliquaries, by miniaturizing their scales and embellishing them with precious materials, creating fantastic gothic buildings. These scaling alterations was possible only in \u2018minor\u2019 arts and they fulfill to spread a specific meaning.<\/p>\nFinally, the artifacts, considered in this excursus, <\/em>convey different meanings: on the one hand, the Holy Corporal\u2019s reliquary, based on Lorenzo Maitani\u2019s drawning, is the miniaturisation of the of the Cathedral\u2019s facade in Orvieto and it is still used for the same purpose for which the Cathedral itself was erected, that is to house the Holy linen of Bolsena. On the other hand, the reliquary of saint Sabino and the Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, whose shapes derives directly from architectural structures, create small gothic houses for the Virgin, in which this Holy character, with her shining golden figure, evokes both patrons\u2019 and masters\u2019 magnificence and also helps prayers and believers\u2019s faith to get closer to God. In all these three examples scales are modified: in the first one it happens in order to face practical demands and structural references; in the last two, in order to spread symbolic, religious and devotional meanings.<\/p>\nThis essay was presented to the Annual Medieval Postgraduate Colloquium \u201cScaling the Middle Ages: Size and scale in medieval art\u201d, organized by the Courtauld Institute of Art. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Van Marle, La scuola pittorica orvietana del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/2 (1923-1924), pp. 305-335, in particolare p. 306; E. Zocca, Due oggetti di oreficeria smaltata senese, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/26 (1933), pp. 379-384, in particolare p. 380; E. Carli, Il reliquiario del Corporale ad Orvieto, <\/em>Milano 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Il Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Roma 1965, pp. 123-138; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri gli smalti di Orvieto,<\/em> in \u201cForma e colore: i grandi classici dell\u2019arte, 9\u201d, <\/em>Firenze 1965, p. 1; M.P. Guida di Diario, Precisazioni su Ugolino di Vieri e soci, <\/em>in \u201cNapoli Nobilissima\u201d, V\/V-VI (1967), pp. 217-226, in particolare p. 217; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>\u201cTesori d\u2019arte cristiana. Cento chiese in Europa\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 3-30, in particolare pp. 15-17; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive della Cattedrale, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di Orvieto. Santa Maria Assunta in Cielo, <\/em>Roma 1990, pp. 41-106, in particolare p. 80; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Fra pittura e smalto nella prima met\u00e0 del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cAnnali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa\u201d, vol. 24, III\/2-3 (1994), pp. 739-741, in particolare p. 739; infra<\/em>, E. Cioni, Considerazioni sul reliquiario del Corporale nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 589-612, in particolare p. 589; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del Corporale a Orvieto e lo smalto senese di primo Trecento, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto e le grandi Cattedrali del Duecento, <\/em>atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 169-192, in particolare pp. 169-170; G. Cuccini, s.v. Orvieto. <\/em>Scultura e oreficeria, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019arte medievale, <\/em>vol. VIII, Roma 1997, pp. 894-899; G. Freni, The reliquary of the Holy Corporal in the cathedral of Orvieto: patronage and politics, <\/em>in Art, politics and civic religion in central Italy, 1261-1352: essays by postgraduate students at the Courtauld Institute of Art, <\/em>a cura di J. Cannon-B. Williamson, Aldershot 2000, pp. 117-177, in particolare p. 118; P. Leone de Castris, s.v. Ugolino di Vieri, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019Arte Medievale, <\/em>vol. XI, Roma 2000, pp. 393-395; E. Cioni, Ugolino di Vieri e Viva di Lando<\/em>, <\/em>in Duccio. Alle origini della pittura senese, <\/em>catalogo della mostra (Siena, 2003-2004), a cura di A. Bagnoli-R. Bartalini-L. Bellosi,-M. Laclotte, Milano 2003, pp. 462-466, in particolare p. 466; R. Bartalini, Scultura gotica in Toscana. Maestri, monumenti, cantieri del Due e Trecento, <\/em>Milano 2005, p. 139; E. Rosatelli, La cappella del Corporale nel duomo di Orvieto. Fede-arte-storia, <\/em>Roma 2010, p. 41; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri e \u201csoci orafi\u201d, Reliquiario del Corporale di Bolsena, <\/em>in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte italiana \/ Medioevo. Siena e artisti senesi – Maestri orafi, <\/em>a cura di M.M. Donato, Roma 2013, pp. 80-83. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>X. Barbier de Montault, Le miracle de Bols\u00e8ne et le saint Corporal de Orvi\u00e9to, <\/em>in \u201cLe R\u00e8gne de J\u00e9sus-Christ. Revue illustr\u00e9e du Mus\u00e9e et de la Biblioth\u00e8que eucharistiques de Paray-Le-Monial\u201d, 1884, pp. 187-212; <\/em>E. Carli, Il reliquiario del\u2026<\/em>, 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Le sculture del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Bergamo 1947, p. 10; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-6; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, pp. 35-40: pp. 35-36; G. Freni, The reliquary of\u2026, <\/em>in Art, politics and\u2026, <\/em>2000, p. 123; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. <\/em>Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 81; P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade: papal politics and religious propaganda in medieval Orvieto,<\/em> in Visible exports\/imports: new research on medieval and Renaissance European art and culture, <\/em>a cura di E.J. Anderson-J. Farquhar-J. Richards, Newcastle-upon-Tyne 2012, pp. 125-139, in particolare pp. 131-132. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade\u2026, <\/em>in Visible exports\/imports<\/em>\u2026, 2012, pp. 125-127, 131. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto come problema storiografico, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto e le grandi cattedrali del Duecento<\/em>, Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 13-26: pp. 13-17 says that there were different reasons to the construction of the Cathedral, as civic, municipal, politic, economic and cultural motivs. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-4, 6-7; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 41; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral, ca. 1290-1310, <\/em>in \u201cThe Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians\u201d, 53\/3 (1994), pp. 300-321, in particolare pp. 301-303; A. Fiderer Moskowitz, Italian gothic sculpture c. 1250-c. <\/em>1400, <\/em>Cambridge 2001, pp. 120-130; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo di Orvieto. Metrologia e metrica di un progetto medievale, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa: le cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa; il ciclo scultoreo degli Apostoli e dell’Annunciazione nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>atti del I e II convegno (Orvieto, 11-13 novembre 2005, 16-17 novembre 2007), a cura di L. Andreani-A. Cannistr\u00e0, Orvieto 2010, pp. 55-74, in particolare p. 65. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>A. Garzelli, Museo di Orvieto. <\/em>Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo<\/em>, \u201cMusei d\u2019Italia meraviglie d\u2019Italia, 2\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 36-38; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 4, 7-8; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 42; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Sui disegni figurati trecenteschi del Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo a Orvieto, <\/em>in Ori e tesori d\u2019Europa, <\/em>atti del convegno di studi (Udine, 3-5 dicembre 1991), a cura di G. Bergamini – P. Goi, Udine 1992, pp. 245-254; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral<\/em>, 2001, p. 318; F. Cervini, Tralci di vita e paradisi di marmo. Per una lettura iconografica della facciata, <\/em>in La facciata del duomo di Orvieto. Teologia in figura, <\/em>Milano 2002, p. 46; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 19-20; infra<\/em>, J. White, I disegni per la facciata del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 69-98; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, pp. 55-74. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3, 6; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, pp. 41-42; G. Previtali, Studi sulla scultura gotica in Italia, <\/em>Torino 1991, pp. 16-30; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 17, 22; infra<\/em>, E. Carli, Architettura e scultura, <\/em>pp. 27-52, in particolare pp. 27-36; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, <\/em>2010, p. 57. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, 1990, p. 43; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, p. 58. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d,1965, p. 2; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del\u2026, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 169-170. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, p. 2. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>Ibidem<\/em>; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, p. 37; infra, <\/em>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 81; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 80. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, pp. 2-3. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>](\"http:\/\/oadiriv.unipa.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/ven04.jpg\"){kind=link}
![Fig. 5<\/a>). The apical zone is composed by four towers and three cusps: the central one is wider than the others because it houses the Holy host13<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 6<\/a>). On the top, towers and cusps are surmounted by micro-sculptures, portraying angels, Saint Joseph of Arimatea, Saint Nicodemus and the Crucified Christ between the Virgin and Saint John the Evangelist. Furthermore, at their base, are situated angels with tubas, on the principal face, and lions on the rear, while two she-wolves are laterally positioned, faking gargoyles. Brilliant, vivid and polychrome enamels also cover cusps, towers and the Cross, together with precious stones. Figures of Prophets, angels and saints are enamelled on the smaller parts, while the most important enamelled scenes are set in the central body: these ones represent sixteen christological scenes and, the remaining eight, describe the sequence of events, related to the miracle of Bolsena14<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 7<\/a>).<\/p>\nCritics often lingered on these enamels, searching to identify the different personalities, who worked on this precious reliquary, such as Tondino di Guerrino, Andrea Riguardi, Viva di Lando and other Sienese artists. They also searched to attribute the fatherhood of each enamel to a single personality15<\/a><\/sup>. This research, focused only on enamels, puts into the background other questions about the tabernacle, such as its relationschip with the project of the Cathedral\u2019s facade, drawn by Lorenzo Maitani, and certainly taken as a model by Ugolino di Vieri.<\/p>\nThis drawing, together with the previous one, is probably the first known project, used as a scientific representation, a calculated orthogonal projection, faithfully used as a model for the monumental building. If the first and the older project was connected with the French culture, the second one simplified gothic style in a more classical and harmonic composition16<\/a><\/sup>. Maitani\u2019s parchment measures 122 cm in height and 89,5 cm in width and, according to previous studies, the progressive relation between the drawing and the monumental facade is in scale 1:4017<\/a><\/sup>. The reliquary, instead, measures 139 cm in height and 63 cm in width18<\/a><\/sup>. So, there aren\u2019t any strictly relationships between tabernacle\u2019s measurements and project ones, because reliquary\u2019s design is bound to the particular form of the relic itself. Despite the lack of scalar relationships, it\u2019s important to underline that the tabernacle of Ugolino di Vieri copies the tripartite facade of the Cathedral and consequently the tricuspidale <\/em>project of Lorenzo Maitani, repeating also foliaceous decorations, which complete cusps, or the polygonal shape of pillars: both in the artifact and in the facade, external pillars are larger than the inner ones (Fig. 8<\/a>). Instead, the complex sculptural plan which lies on the monumental facade, probably also overseen by capomastro <\/em>Maitani, is summarized into the thirty-one golden silver micro-sculptures19<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nUgolino di Vieri, the most famous goldsmith of the Sienese XIVth<\/sup> century, also signed, with his partner Viva di Lando, another masterpiece of Italian goldsmithry, that is the reliquary of saint Sabino, as the inscription shows20<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 9<\/a>). This is a golden copper artifact, adorned with translucent enamels, depicting angels, Prophets and hagiographical scenes of the eponymous saint, bishop of Canosa in the VIth<\/sup> century. This artifact shows a stand out architectonical conformation: housing skull\u2019s relic of saint Sabino, it moves away from traditional bust-shape reliquaries, used to hold this type of vestigials, and it shapes as a gothic ciborium. Six crouched lions support the hexagonal socle, which replays the form of Siena\u2019s dome; the socle is completed with a hemispherical calotte on a dodecagonal tambour: It is this calotte that houses Saint Sabino\u2019s skull.<\/p>\nOn this basal structure the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Baby raises up, protected within a thin niche, which is composed of six columns, holding up a gothic structure, adorned with gargoyles, pinnacles, peaks and trilobate arches. This niche is surmounted by a peak, housing inside the all-round sculpture of saint Sabino. The whole artifact is completed and culminated with another all-round sculpture of an angel, the result of a later addition21<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nOn the one hand, this reliquary is related with coeval architectonical buildings, both in Florence and in Siena, and, on the other hand, with a previous goldsmithing masterpiece. This is the reliquary of saint Galgano, made around the end of XIIIth<\/sup> century or at the beginning of the following one22<\/a><\/sup>. Moreover, the reliquary of Saint Sabino was also linked with the realisation of the Holy Corporal tabernacle, because, according to an unverified information, it was commissioned to Ugolino di Vieri and Viva di Lando, in order to try out their skills before their later commission on the Holy Corporal reliquary23<\/a><\/sup>; its inscription, nevertheless, only mentiones Ugolino di Vieri, but not Viva di Lando. Independently from the reliability of this notice, the two masterpieces can be considered almost coeval; sometimes, the reliquary of Saint Sabino has been dated by critics to shortly after the Holy Corporal one, approximately between 1340 and 134524<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nAlso in this case, critics have stopped trying to understand the fatherhood of the architectonical structure, of sculptures and of enamles25<\/a><\/sup>, but nobody has sought to explaine why in a reliquary, consecrated to a specific saint, such as saint Sabino, his sculpture occupies such a hidden place, while the Virgin dominates all the composition. In order to stress the importance of this Holy character, also the reliquary\u2019s structure was modified, preferring a ciborium composition, instead of the most canonical body-shape one. The Virgin stands with her solid and massive corporality, regarding her Child, who gently caresses her visage. Formerly she was crowned, but this royal attribute is now lost (Fig. 10<\/a>). Both the sculptures of the Virgin with the Child and of saint Sabino join to the manner of stone sculptors, such as Giovanni Pisano, Tino di Camaino, Goro di Gregorio and also Lando di Pietro, who was Viva di Lando\u2019s father26<\/a><\/sup>: this evidence demonstrates how close stylistic and iconographic relationships between monumental and \u2018minor\u2019 arts were.<\/p>\nAnother Virgin, holding up her Child, stands into a niche in the gothic ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, shielded into the Museo Nicolaiano of Bari27<\/a><\/sup>. This particular artifact has the form of a unique-nave church, surmounted by an high tower (Fig. 11<\/a>). At the base there are four crouched lions, holding the whole architecture. The lower socle is composed of a basic double band: the first and lower level is adorned with an ivy foliage, which runs all around, while on the second and upper one, a series of saints, depicted under round arches, and colourful birds are laid out; both saints and birds are painted with translucent enamels. The central body simulates a gothic Cathedral, with stained-glass windows, some of them are depicted and reproduce saints. Windows are framed under bending arches, which lie on thin buttresses. The central structure is completed with gargoyles, four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus and denticular motives. The roof is double-sloped and adorned with other four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus, in which other saints are enamelled. A tower rises from the centre of the roof, housing inside the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Child (Fig. 12<\/a>). This tower is completed with a pinnacle, enamelled with Hungary emblems, while a lilied cross soars on top28<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em> shares many elements with saint Sabino\u2019s reliquary, first of all the crouched lions, a motive that had a remarkable fortune between XIIIth<\/sup> and XIVth<\/sup> centuries29<\/a><\/sup>; other similar features are translucent enamels, ivy foliage, gargoyles, and lastly, the more gothic Virgin. In the Apulian masterpiece she is crowned and she holds her Baby, assuming a particular pose, the so-called hanchement<\/em>. This was an attitude, mainly connected with ivory sculptures, in which the curvilinear shape of elephant\u2019s fangs imposed a back curving, giving to figures a thin and smart pose. This one was so appreciated that it was transferred from ivory to other supports, such as marble or metals, fitting together with gothic style30<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apuliam ch\u00e2sse<\/em> is dated between 1326 and 1346, according to the opinion which linked this artifact with the personality of Pietro de Morerijs, the proven\u00e7al prior and treasurer of the Basilica of San Nicola in Bari, who fulfilled the role during that time frame. Always considered as a product of the Angevin goldsmithery, however its exact provenance is still not clear: this reliquary is differently related, by critics, to Neapolitan, French or Sienese areas, following the common Angevin thread that introduced gothic art into Southern Italy, passing through Tuscany and Campania31<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nNevertheless, both reliquaries share the presence of the Virgin with her Child, isolated and emphasized under the niche, according to a model replicated into monumental architectures or other artifact\u2019s typologies, such as ivory ones. In Apulia specifically, the connection is with the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta in Lucera, where a Virgin with the Baby is housed into the lunette of the major threshold of the Cathedral32<\/a><\/sup>; moreover into the Museo Diocesano of Trani is shielded the so-called \u2018Altarolo\u2019 of Charles the First, which is a composite artifact made in ivory and ebony, commissioned by the Angevin king, in order to commemorate the death of his second-born Philip, in 1277, in which the more gothic Mary and her Baby stands into a slim niche and becomes the focus of the narrative programm of the lateral doors, which show the scenes of Christ\u2019s Infancy33<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 13). These examples prove that Mary, with her Baby, was always considered as the first Holy entity to whom to turn to in prayer: she was seen as a favoured mediator, strictly connected with the Lord\u2019s mercy. In the examined reliquaries, her location, directly upon the relic\u2019s box, means that she emphasizes the role of these holy vestigials, protecting and safeguarding them. In order to fix this particular necessity, masters conformed architectural reliquaries, by miniaturizing their scales and embellishing them with precious materials, creating fantastic gothic buildings. These scaling alterations was possible only in \u2018minor\u2019 arts and they fulfill to spread a specific meaning.<\/p>\nFinally, the artifacts, considered in this excursus, <\/em>convey different meanings: on the one hand, the Holy Corporal\u2019s reliquary, based on Lorenzo Maitani\u2019s drawning, is the miniaturisation of the of the Cathedral\u2019s facade in Orvieto and it is still used for the same purpose for which the Cathedral itself was erected, that is to house the Holy linen of Bolsena. On the other hand, the reliquary of saint Sabino and the Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, whose shapes derives directly from architectural structures, create small gothic houses for the Virgin, in which this Holy character, with her shining golden figure, evokes both patrons\u2019 and masters\u2019 magnificence and also helps prayers and believers\u2019s faith to get closer to God. In all these three examples scales are modified: in the first one it happens in order to face practical demands and structural references; in the last two, in order to spread symbolic, religious and devotional meanings.<\/p>\nThis essay was presented to the Annual Medieval Postgraduate Colloquium \u201cScaling the Middle Ages: Size and scale in medieval art\u201d, organized by the Courtauld Institute of Art. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Van Marle, La scuola pittorica orvietana del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/2 (1923-1924), pp. 305-335, in particolare p. 306; E. Zocca, Due oggetti di oreficeria smaltata senese, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/26 (1933), pp. 379-384, in particolare p. 380; E. Carli, Il reliquiario del Corporale ad Orvieto, <\/em>Milano 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Il Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Roma 1965, pp. 123-138; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri gli smalti di Orvieto,<\/em> in \u201cForma e colore: i grandi classici dell\u2019arte, 9\u201d, <\/em>Firenze 1965, p. 1; M.P. Guida di Diario, Precisazioni su Ugolino di Vieri e soci, <\/em>in \u201cNapoli Nobilissima\u201d, V\/V-VI (1967), pp. 217-226, in particolare p. 217; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>\u201cTesori d\u2019arte cristiana. Cento chiese in Europa\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 3-30, in particolare pp. 15-17; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive della Cattedrale, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di Orvieto. Santa Maria Assunta in Cielo, <\/em>Roma 1990, pp. 41-106, in particolare p. 80; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Fra pittura e smalto nella prima met\u00e0 del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cAnnali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa\u201d, vol. 24, III\/2-3 (1994), pp. 739-741, in particolare p. 739; infra<\/em>, E. Cioni, Considerazioni sul reliquiario del Corporale nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 589-612, in particolare p. 589; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del Corporale a Orvieto e lo smalto senese di primo Trecento, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto e le grandi Cattedrali del Duecento, <\/em>atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 169-192, in particolare pp. 169-170; G. Cuccini, s.v. Orvieto. <\/em>Scultura e oreficeria, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019arte medievale, <\/em>vol. VIII, Roma 1997, pp. 894-899; G. Freni, The reliquary of the Holy Corporal in the cathedral of Orvieto: patronage and politics, <\/em>in Art, politics and civic religion in central Italy, 1261-1352: essays by postgraduate students at the Courtauld Institute of Art, <\/em>a cura di J. Cannon-B. Williamson, Aldershot 2000, pp. 117-177, in particolare p. 118; P. Leone de Castris, s.v. Ugolino di Vieri, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019Arte Medievale, <\/em>vol. XI, Roma 2000, pp. 393-395; E. Cioni, Ugolino di Vieri e Viva di Lando<\/em>, <\/em>in Duccio. Alle origini della pittura senese, <\/em>catalogo della mostra (Siena, 2003-2004), a cura di A. Bagnoli-R. Bartalini-L. Bellosi,-M. Laclotte, Milano 2003, pp. 462-466, in particolare p. 466; R. Bartalini, Scultura gotica in Toscana. Maestri, monumenti, cantieri del Due e Trecento, <\/em>Milano 2005, p. 139; E. Rosatelli, La cappella del Corporale nel duomo di Orvieto. Fede-arte-storia, <\/em>Roma 2010, p. 41; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri e \u201csoci orafi\u201d, Reliquiario del Corporale di Bolsena, <\/em>in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte italiana \/ Medioevo. Siena e artisti senesi – Maestri orafi, <\/em>a cura di M.M. Donato, Roma 2013, pp. 80-83. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>X. Barbier de Montault, Le miracle de Bols\u00e8ne et le saint Corporal de Orvi\u00e9to, <\/em>in \u201cLe R\u00e8gne de J\u00e9sus-Christ. Revue illustr\u00e9e du Mus\u00e9e et de la Biblioth\u00e8que eucharistiques de Paray-Le-Monial\u201d, 1884, pp. 187-212; <\/em>E. Carli, Il reliquiario del\u2026<\/em>, 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Le sculture del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Bergamo 1947, p. 10; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-6; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, pp. 35-40: pp. 35-36; G. Freni, The reliquary of\u2026, <\/em>in Art, politics and\u2026, <\/em>2000, p. 123; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. <\/em>Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 81; P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade: papal politics and religious propaganda in medieval Orvieto,<\/em> in Visible exports\/imports: new research on medieval and Renaissance European art and culture, <\/em>a cura di E.J. Anderson-J. Farquhar-J. Richards, Newcastle-upon-Tyne 2012, pp. 125-139, in particolare pp. 131-132. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade\u2026, <\/em>in Visible exports\/imports<\/em>\u2026, 2012, pp. 125-127, 131. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto come problema storiografico, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto e le grandi cattedrali del Duecento<\/em>, Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 13-26: pp. 13-17 says that there were different reasons to the construction of the Cathedral, as civic, municipal, politic, economic and cultural motivs. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-4, 6-7; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 41; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral, ca. 1290-1310, <\/em>in \u201cThe Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians\u201d, 53\/3 (1994), pp. 300-321, in particolare pp. 301-303; A. Fiderer Moskowitz, Italian gothic sculpture c. 1250-c. <\/em>1400, <\/em>Cambridge 2001, pp. 120-130; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo di Orvieto. Metrologia e metrica di un progetto medievale, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa: le cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa; il ciclo scultoreo degli Apostoli e dell’Annunciazione nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>atti del I e II convegno (Orvieto, 11-13 novembre 2005, 16-17 novembre 2007), a cura di L. Andreani-A. Cannistr\u00e0, Orvieto 2010, pp. 55-74, in particolare p. 65. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>A. Garzelli, Museo di Orvieto. <\/em>Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo<\/em>, \u201cMusei d\u2019Italia meraviglie d\u2019Italia, 2\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 36-38; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 4, 7-8; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 42; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Sui disegni figurati trecenteschi del Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo a Orvieto, <\/em>in Ori e tesori d\u2019Europa, <\/em>atti del convegno di studi (Udine, 3-5 dicembre 1991), a cura di G. Bergamini – P. Goi, Udine 1992, pp. 245-254; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral<\/em>, 2001, p. 318; F. Cervini, Tralci di vita e paradisi di marmo. Per una lettura iconografica della facciata, <\/em>in La facciata del duomo di Orvieto. Teologia in figura, <\/em>Milano 2002, p. 46; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 19-20; infra<\/em>, J. White, I disegni per la facciata del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 69-98; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, pp. 55-74. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3, 6; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, pp. 41-42; G. Previtali, Studi sulla scultura gotica in Italia, <\/em>Torino 1991, pp. 16-30; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 17, 22; infra<\/em>, E. Carli, Architettura e scultura, <\/em>pp. 27-52, in particolare pp. 27-36; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, <\/em>2010, p. 57. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, 1990, p. 43; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, p. 58. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d,1965, p. 2; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del\u2026, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 169-170. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, p. 2. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>Ibidem<\/em>; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, p. 37; infra, <\/em>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 81; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 80. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, pp. 2-3. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>](\"http:\/\/oadiriv.unipa.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/ven05.jpg\"){kind=link}
![Fig. 6<\/a>). On the top, towers and cusps are surmounted by micro-sculptures, portraying angels, Saint Joseph of Arimatea, Saint Nicodemus and the Crucified Christ between the Virgin and Saint John the Evangelist. Furthermore, at their base, are situated angels with tubas, on the principal face, and lions on the rear, while two she-wolves are laterally positioned, faking gargoyles. Brilliant, vivid and polychrome enamels also cover cusps, towers and the Cross, together with precious stones. Figures of Prophets, angels and saints are enamelled on the smaller parts, while the most important enamelled scenes are set in the central body: these ones represent sixteen christological scenes and, the remaining eight, describe the sequence of events, related to the miracle of Bolsena14<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 7<\/a>).<\/p>\nCritics often lingered on these enamels, searching to identify the different personalities, who worked on this precious reliquary, such as Tondino di Guerrino, Andrea Riguardi, Viva di Lando and other Sienese artists. They also searched to attribute the fatherhood of each enamel to a single personality15<\/a><\/sup>. This research, focused only on enamels, puts into the background other questions about the tabernacle, such as its relationschip with the project of the Cathedral\u2019s facade, drawn by Lorenzo Maitani, and certainly taken as a model by Ugolino di Vieri.<\/p>\nThis drawing, together with the previous one, is probably the first known project, used as a scientific representation, a calculated orthogonal projection, faithfully used as a model for the monumental building. If the first and the older project was connected with the French culture, the second one simplified gothic style in a more classical and harmonic composition16<\/a><\/sup>. Maitani\u2019s parchment measures 122 cm in height and 89,5 cm in width and, according to previous studies, the progressive relation between the drawing and the monumental facade is in scale 1:4017<\/a><\/sup>. The reliquary, instead, measures 139 cm in height and 63 cm in width18<\/a><\/sup>. So, there aren\u2019t any strictly relationships between tabernacle\u2019s measurements and project ones, because reliquary\u2019s design is bound to the particular form of the relic itself. Despite the lack of scalar relationships, it\u2019s important to underline that the tabernacle of Ugolino di Vieri copies the tripartite facade of the Cathedral and consequently the tricuspidale <\/em>project of Lorenzo Maitani, repeating also foliaceous decorations, which complete cusps, or the polygonal shape of pillars: both in the artifact and in the facade, external pillars are larger than the inner ones (Fig. 8<\/a>). Instead, the complex sculptural plan which lies on the monumental facade, probably also overseen by capomastro <\/em>Maitani, is summarized into the thirty-one golden silver micro-sculptures19<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nUgolino di Vieri, the most famous goldsmith of the Sienese XIVth<\/sup> century, also signed, with his partner Viva di Lando, another masterpiece of Italian goldsmithry, that is the reliquary of saint Sabino, as the inscription shows20<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 9<\/a>). This is a golden copper artifact, adorned with translucent enamels, depicting angels, Prophets and hagiographical scenes of the eponymous saint, bishop of Canosa in the VIth<\/sup> century. This artifact shows a stand out architectonical conformation: housing skull\u2019s relic of saint Sabino, it moves away from traditional bust-shape reliquaries, used to hold this type of vestigials, and it shapes as a gothic ciborium. Six crouched lions support the hexagonal socle, which replays the form of Siena\u2019s dome; the socle is completed with a hemispherical calotte on a dodecagonal tambour: It is this calotte that houses Saint Sabino\u2019s skull.<\/p>\nOn this basal structure the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Baby raises up, protected within a thin niche, which is composed of six columns, holding up a gothic structure, adorned with gargoyles, pinnacles, peaks and trilobate arches. This niche is surmounted by a peak, housing inside the all-round sculpture of saint Sabino. The whole artifact is completed and culminated with another all-round sculpture of an angel, the result of a later addition21<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nOn the one hand, this reliquary is related with coeval architectonical buildings, both in Florence and in Siena, and, on the other hand, with a previous goldsmithing masterpiece. This is the reliquary of saint Galgano, made around the end of XIIIth<\/sup> century or at the beginning of the following one22<\/a><\/sup>. Moreover, the reliquary of Saint Sabino was also linked with the realisation of the Holy Corporal tabernacle, because, according to an unverified information, it was commissioned to Ugolino di Vieri and Viva di Lando, in order to try out their skills before their later commission on the Holy Corporal reliquary23<\/a><\/sup>; its inscription, nevertheless, only mentiones Ugolino di Vieri, but not Viva di Lando. Independently from the reliability of this notice, the two masterpieces can be considered almost coeval; sometimes, the reliquary of Saint Sabino has been dated by critics to shortly after the Holy Corporal one, approximately between 1340 and 134524<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nAlso in this case, critics have stopped trying to understand the fatherhood of the architectonical structure, of sculptures and of enamles25<\/a><\/sup>, but nobody has sought to explaine why in a reliquary, consecrated to a specific saint, such as saint Sabino, his sculpture occupies such a hidden place, while the Virgin dominates all the composition. In order to stress the importance of this Holy character, also the reliquary\u2019s structure was modified, preferring a ciborium composition, instead of the most canonical body-shape one. The Virgin stands with her solid and massive corporality, regarding her Child, who gently caresses her visage. Formerly she was crowned, but this royal attribute is now lost (Fig. 10<\/a>). Both the sculptures of the Virgin with the Child and of saint Sabino join to the manner of stone sculptors, such as Giovanni Pisano, Tino di Camaino, Goro di Gregorio and also Lando di Pietro, who was Viva di Lando\u2019s father26<\/a><\/sup>: this evidence demonstrates how close stylistic and iconographic relationships between monumental and \u2018minor\u2019 arts were.<\/p>\nAnother Virgin, holding up her Child, stands into a niche in the gothic ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, shielded into the Museo Nicolaiano of Bari27<\/a><\/sup>. This particular artifact has the form of a unique-nave church, surmounted by an high tower (Fig. 11<\/a>). At the base there are four crouched lions, holding the whole architecture. The lower socle is composed of a basic double band: the first and lower level is adorned with an ivy foliage, which runs all around, while on the second and upper one, a series of saints, depicted under round arches, and colourful birds are laid out; both saints and birds are painted with translucent enamels. The central body simulates a gothic Cathedral, with stained-glass windows, some of them are depicted and reproduce saints. Windows are framed under bending arches, which lie on thin buttresses. The central structure is completed with gargoyles, four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus and denticular motives. The roof is double-sloped and adorned with other four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus, in which other saints are enamelled. A tower rises from the centre of the roof, housing inside the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Child (Fig. 12<\/a>). This tower is completed with a pinnacle, enamelled with Hungary emblems, while a lilied cross soars on top28<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em> shares many elements with saint Sabino\u2019s reliquary, first of all the crouched lions, a motive that had a remarkable fortune between XIIIth<\/sup> and XIVth<\/sup> centuries29<\/a><\/sup>; other similar features are translucent enamels, ivy foliage, gargoyles, and lastly, the more gothic Virgin. In the Apulian masterpiece she is crowned and she holds her Baby, assuming a particular pose, the so-called hanchement<\/em>. This was an attitude, mainly connected with ivory sculptures, in which the curvilinear shape of elephant\u2019s fangs imposed a back curving, giving to figures a thin and smart pose. This one was so appreciated that it was transferred from ivory to other supports, such as marble or metals, fitting together with gothic style30<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apuliam ch\u00e2sse<\/em> is dated between 1326 and 1346, according to the opinion which linked this artifact with the personality of Pietro de Morerijs, the proven\u00e7al prior and treasurer of the Basilica of San Nicola in Bari, who fulfilled the role during that time frame. Always considered as a product of the Angevin goldsmithery, however its exact provenance is still not clear: this reliquary is differently related, by critics, to Neapolitan, French or Sienese areas, following the common Angevin thread that introduced gothic art into Southern Italy, passing through Tuscany and Campania31<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nNevertheless, both reliquaries share the presence of the Virgin with her Child, isolated and emphasized under the niche, according to a model replicated into monumental architectures or other artifact\u2019s typologies, such as ivory ones. In Apulia specifically, the connection is with the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta in Lucera, where a Virgin with the Baby is housed into the lunette of the major threshold of the Cathedral32<\/a><\/sup>; moreover into the Museo Diocesano of Trani is shielded the so-called \u2018Altarolo\u2019 of Charles the First, which is a composite artifact made in ivory and ebony, commissioned by the Angevin king, in order to commemorate the death of his second-born Philip, in 1277, in which the more gothic Mary and her Baby stands into a slim niche and becomes the focus of the narrative programm of the lateral doors, which show the scenes of Christ\u2019s Infancy33<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 13). These examples prove that Mary, with her Baby, was always considered as the first Holy entity to whom to turn to in prayer: she was seen as a favoured mediator, strictly connected with the Lord\u2019s mercy. In the examined reliquaries, her location, directly upon the relic\u2019s box, means that she emphasizes the role of these holy vestigials, protecting and safeguarding them. In order to fix this particular necessity, masters conformed architectural reliquaries, by miniaturizing their scales and embellishing them with precious materials, creating fantastic gothic buildings. These scaling alterations was possible only in \u2018minor\u2019 arts and they fulfill to spread a specific meaning.<\/p>\nFinally, the artifacts, considered in this excursus, <\/em>convey different meanings: on the one hand, the Holy Corporal\u2019s reliquary, based on Lorenzo Maitani\u2019s drawning, is the miniaturisation of the of the Cathedral\u2019s facade in Orvieto and it is still used for the same purpose for which the Cathedral itself was erected, that is to house the Holy linen of Bolsena. On the other hand, the reliquary of saint Sabino and the Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, whose shapes derives directly from architectural structures, create small gothic houses for the Virgin, in which this Holy character, with her shining golden figure, evokes both patrons\u2019 and masters\u2019 magnificence and also helps prayers and believers\u2019s faith to get closer to God. In all these three examples scales are modified: in the first one it happens in order to face practical demands and structural references; in the last two, in order to spread symbolic, religious and devotional meanings.<\/p>\nThis essay was presented to the Annual Medieval Postgraduate Colloquium \u201cScaling the Middle Ages: Size and scale in medieval art\u201d, organized by the Courtauld Institute of Art. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Van Marle, La scuola pittorica orvietana del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/2 (1923-1924), pp. 305-335, in particolare p. 306; E. Zocca, Due oggetti di oreficeria smaltata senese, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/26 (1933), pp. 379-384, in particolare p. 380; E. Carli, Il reliquiario del Corporale ad Orvieto, <\/em>Milano 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Il Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Roma 1965, pp. 123-138; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri gli smalti di Orvieto,<\/em> in \u201cForma e colore: i grandi classici dell\u2019arte, 9\u201d, <\/em>Firenze 1965, p. 1; M.P. Guida di Diario, Precisazioni su Ugolino di Vieri e soci, <\/em>in \u201cNapoli Nobilissima\u201d, V\/V-VI (1967), pp. 217-226, in particolare p. 217; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>\u201cTesori d\u2019arte cristiana. Cento chiese in Europa\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 3-30, in particolare pp. 15-17; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive della Cattedrale, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di Orvieto. Santa Maria Assunta in Cielo, <\/em>Roma 1990, pp. 41-106, in particolare p. 80; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Fra pittura e smalto nella prima met\u00e0 del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cAnnali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa\u201d, vol. 24, III\/2-3 (1994), pp. 739-741, in particolare p. 739; infra<\/em>, E. Cioni, Considerazioni sul reliquiario del Corporale nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 589-612, in particolare p. 589; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del Corporale a Orvieto e lo smalto senese di primo Trecento, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto e le grandi Cattedrali del Duecento, <\/em>atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 169-192, in particolare pp. 169-170; G. Cuccini, s.v. Orvieto. <\/em>Scultura e oreficeria, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019arte medievale, <\/em>vol. VIII, Roma 1997, pp. 894-899; G. Freni, The reliquary of the Holy Corporal in the cathedral of Orvieto: patronage and politics, <\/em>in Art, politics and civic religion in central Italy, 1261-1352: essays by postgraduate students at the Courtauld Institute of Art, <\/em>a cura di J. Cannon-B. Williamson, Aldershot 2000, pp. 117-177, in particolare p. 118; P. Leone de Castris, s.v. Ugolino di Vieri, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019Arte Medievale, <\/em>vol. XI, Roma 2000, pp. 393-395; E. Cioni, Ugolino di Vieri e Viva di Lando<\/em>, <\/em>in Duccio. Alle origini della pittura senese, <\/em>catalogo della mostra (Siena, 2003-2004), a cura di A. Bagnoli-R. Bartalini-L. Bellosi,-M. Laclotte, Milano 2003, pp. 462-466, in particolare p. 466; R. Bartalini, Scultura gotica in Toscana. Maestri, monumenti, cantieri del Due e Trecento, <\/em>Milano 2005, p. 139; E. Rosatelli, La cappella del Corporale nel duomo di Orvieto. Fede-arte-storia, <\/em>Roma 2010, p. 41; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri e \u201csoci orafi\u201d, Reliquiario del Corporale di Bolsena, <\/em>in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte italiana \/ Medioevo. Siena e artisti senesi – Maestri orafi, <\/em>a cura di M.M. Donato, Roma 2013, pp. 80-83. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>X. Barbier de Montault, Le miracle de Bols\u00e8ne et le saint Corporal de Orvi\u00e9to, <\/em>in \u201cLe R\u00e8gne de J\u00e9sus-Christ. Revue illustr\u00e9e du Mus\u00e9e et de la Biblioth\u00e8que eucharistiques de Paray-Le-Monial\u201d, 1884, pp. 187-212; <\/em>E. Carli, Il reliquiario del\u2026<\/em>, 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Le sculture del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Bergamo 1947, p. 10; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-6; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, pp. 35-40: pp. 35-36; G. Freni, The reliquary of\u2026, <\/em>in Art, politics and\u2026, <\/em>2000, p. 123; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. <\/em>Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 81; P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade: papal politics and religious propaganda in medieval Orvieto,<\/em> in Visible exports\/imports: new research on medieval and Renaissance European art and culture, <\/em>a cura di E.J. Anderson-J. Farquhar-J. Richards, Newcastle-upon-Tyne 2012, pp. 125-139, in particolare pp. 131-132. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade\u2026, <\/em>in Visible exports\/imports<\/em>\u2026, 2012, pp. 125-127, 131. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto come problema storiografico, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto e le grandi cattedrali del Duecento<\/em>, Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 13-26: pp. 13-17 says that there were different reasons to the construction of the Cathedral, as civic, municipal, politic, economic and cultural motivs. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-4, 6-7; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 41; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral, ca. 1290-1310, <\/em>in \u201cThe Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians\u201d, 53\/3 (1994), pp. 300-321, in particolare pp. 301-303; A. Fiderer Moskowitz, Italian gothic sculpture c. 1250-c. <\/em>1400, <\/em>Cambridge 2001, pp. 120-130; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo di Orvieto. Metrologia e metrica di un progetto medievale, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa: le cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa; il ciclo scultoreo degli Apostoli e dell’Annunciazione nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>atti del I e II convegno (Orvieto, 11-13 novembre 2005, 16-17 novembre 2007), a cura di L. Andreani-A. Cannistr\u00e0, Orvieto 2010, pp. 55-74, in particolare p. 65. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>A. Garzelli, Museo di Orvieto. <\/em>Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo<\/em>, \u201cMusei d\u2019Italia meraviglie d\u2019Italia, 2\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 36-38; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 4, 7-8; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 42; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Sui disegni figurati trecenteschi del Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo a Orvieto, <\/em>in Ori e tesori d\u2019Europa, <\/em>atti del convegno di studi (Udine, 3-5 dicembre 1991), a cura di G. Bergamini – P. Goi, Udine 1992, pp. 245-254; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral<\/em>, 2001, p. 318; F. Cervini, Tralci di vita e paradisi di marmo. Per una lettura iconografica della facciata, <\/em>in La facciata del duomo di Orvieto. Teologia in figura, <\/em>Milano 2002, p. 46; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 19-20; infra<\/em>, J. White, I disegni per la facciata del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 69-98; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, pp. 55-74. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3, 6; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, pp. 41-42; G. Previtali, Studi sulla scultura gotica in Italia, <\/em>Torino 1991, pp. 16-30; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 17, 22; infra<\/em>, E. Carli, Architettura e scultura, <\/em>pp. 27-52, in particolare pp. 27-36; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, <\/em>2010, p. 57. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, 1990, p. 43; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, p. 58. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d,1965, p. 2; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del\u2026, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 169-170. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, p. 2. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>Ibidem<\/em>; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, p. 37; infra, <\/em>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 81; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 80. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, pp. 2-3. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>](\"http:\/\/oadiriv.unipa.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/ven06.jpg\"){kind=link}
![Fig. 7<\/a>).<\/p>\nCritics often lingered on these enamels, searching to identify the different personalities, who worked on this precious reliquary, such as Tondino di Guerrino, Andrea Riguardi, Viva di Lando and other Sienese artists. They also searched to attribute the fatherhood of each enamel to a single personality15<\/a><\/sup>. This research, focused only on enamels, puts into the background other questions about the tabernacle, such as its relationschip with the project of the Cathedral\u2019s facade, drawn by Lorenzo Maitani, and certainly taken as a model by Ugolino di Vieri.<\/p>\nThis drawing, together with the previous one, is probably the first known project, used as a scientific representation, a calculated orthogonal projection, faithfully used as a model for the monumental building. If the first and the older project was connected with the French culture, the second one simplified gothic style in a more classical and harmonic composition16<\/a><\/sup>. Maitani\u2019s parchment measures 122 cm in height and 89,5 cm in width and, according to previous studies, the progressive relation between the drawing and the monumental facade is in scale 1:4017<\/a><\/sup>. The reliquary, instead, measures 139 cm in height and 63 cm in width18<\/a><\/sup>. So, there aren\u2019t any strictly relationships between tabernacle\u2019s measurements and project ones, because reliquary\u2019s design is bound to the particular form of the relic itself. Despite the lack of scalar relationships, it\u2019s important to underline that the tabernacle of Ugolino di Vieri copies the tripartite facade of the Cathedral and consequently the tricuspidale <\/em>project of Lorenzo Maitani, repeating also foliaceous decorations, which complete cusps, or the polygonal shape of pillars: both in the artifact and in the facade, external pillars are larger than the inner ones (Fig. 8<\/a>). Instead, the complex sculptural plan which lies on the monumental facade, probably also overseen by capomastro <\/em>Maitani, is summarized into the thirty-one golden silver micro-sculptures19<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nUgolino di Vieri, the most famous goldsmith of the Sienese XIVth<\/sup> century, also signed, with his partner Viva di Lando, another masterpiece of Italian goldsmithry, that is the reliquary of saint Sabino, as the inscription shows20<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 9<\/a>). This is a golden copper artifact, adorned with translucent enamels, depicting angels, Prophets and hagiographical scenes of the eponymous saint, bishop of Canosa in the VIth<\/sup> century. This artifact shows a stand out architectonical conformation: housing skull\u2019s relic of saint Sabino, it moves away from traditional bust-shape reliquaries, used to hold this type of vestigials, and it shapes as a gothic ciborium. Six crouched lions support the hexagonal socle, which replays the form of Siena\u2019s dome; the socle is completed with a hemispherical calotte on a dodecagonal tambour: It is this calotte that houses Saint Sabino\u2019s skull.<\/p>\nOn this basal structure the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Baby raises up, protected within a thin niche, which is composed of six columns, holding up a gothic structure, adorned with gargoyles, pinnacles, peaks and trilobate arches. This niche is surmounted by a peak, housing inside the all-round sculpture of saint Sabino. The whole artifact is completed and culminated with another all-round sculpture of an angel, the result of a later addition21<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nOn the one hand, this reliquary is related with coeval architectonical buildings, both in Florence and in Siena, and, on the other hand, with a previous goldsmithing masterpiece. This is the reliquary of saint Galgano, made around the end of XIIIth<\/sup> century or at the beginning of the following one22<\/a><\/sup>. Moreover, the reliquary of Saint Sabino was also linked with the realisation of the Holy Corporal tabernacle, because, according to an unverified information, it was commissioned to Ugolino di Vieri and Viva di Lando, in order to try out their skills before their later commission on the Holy Corporal reliquary23<\/a><\/sup>; its inscription, nevertheless, only mentiones Ugolino di Vieri, but not Viva di Lando. Independently from the reliability of this notice, the two masterpieces can be considered almost coeval; sometimes, the reliquary of Saint Sabino has been dated by critics to shortly after the Holy Corporal one, approximately between 1340 and 134524<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nAlso in this case, critics have stopped trying to understand the fatherhood of the architectonical structure, of sculptures and of enamles25<\/a><\/sup>, but nobody has sought to explaine why in a reliquary, consecrated to a specific saint, such as saint Sabino, his sculpture occupies such a hidden place, while the Virgin dominates all the composition. In order to stress the importance of this Holy character, also the reliquary\u2019s structure was modified, preferring a ciborium composition, instead of the most canonical body-shape one. The Virgin stands with her solid and massive corporality, regarding her Child, who gently caresses her visage. Formerly she was crowned, but this royal attribute is now lost (Fig. 10<\/a>). Both the sculptures of the Virgin with the Child and of saint Sabino join to the manner of stone sculptors, such as Giovanni Pisano, Tino di Camaino, Goro di Gregorio and also Lando di Pietro, who was Viva di Lando\u2019s father26<\/a><\/sup>: this evidence demonstrates how close stylistic and iconographic relationships between monumental and \u2018minor\u2019 arts were.<\/p>\nAnother Virgin, holding up her Child, stands into a niche in the gothic ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, shielded into the Museo Nicolaiano of Bari27<\/a><\/sup>. This particular artifact has the form of a unique-nave church, surmounted by an high tower (Fig. 11<\/a>). At the base there are four crouched lions, holding the whole architecture. The lower socle is composed of a basic double band: the first and lower level is adorned with an ivy foliage, which runs all around, while on the second and upper one, a series of saints, depicted under round arches, and colourful birds are laid out; both saints and birds are painted with translucent enamels. The central body simulates a gothic Cathedral, with stained-glass windows, some of them are depicted and reproduce saints. Windows are framed under bending arches, which lie on thin buttresses. The central structure is completed with gargoyles, four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus and denticular motives. The roof is double-sloped and adorned with other four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus, in which other saints are enamelled. A tower rises from the centre of the roof, housing inside the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Child (Fig. 12<\/a>). This tower is completed with a pinnacle, enamelled with Hungary emblems, while a lilied cross soars on top28<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em> shares many elements with saint Sabino\u2019s reliquary, first of all the crouched lions, a motive that had a remarkable fortune between XIIIth<\/sup> and XIVth<\/sup> centuries29<\/a><\/sup>; other similar features are translucent enamels, ivy foliage, gargoyles, and lastly, the more gothic Virgin. In the Apulian masterpiece she is crowned and she holds her Baby, assuming a particular pose, the so-called hanchement<\/em>. This was an attitude, mainly connected with ivory sculptures, in which the curvilinear shape of elephant\u2019s fangs imposed a back curving, giving to figures a thin and smart pose. This one was so appreciated that it was transferred from ivory to other supports, such as marble or metals, fitting together with gothic style30<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apuliam ch\u00e2sse<\/em> is dated between 1326 and 1346, according to the opinion which linked this artifact with the personality of Pietro de Morerijs, the proven\u00e7al prior and treasurer of the Basilica of San Nicola in Bari, who fulfilled the role during that time frame. Always considered as a product of the Angevin goldsmithery, however its exact provenance is still not clear: this reliquary is differently related, by critics, to Neapolitan, French or Sienese areas, following the common Angevin thread that introduced gothic art into Southern Italy, passing through Tuscany and Campania31<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nNevertheless, both reliquaries share the presence of the Virgin with her Child, isolated and emphasized under the niche, according to a model replicated into monumental architectures or other artifact\u2019s typologies, such as ivory ones. In Apulia specifically, the connection is with the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta in Lucera, where a Virgin with the Baby is housed into the lunette of the major threshold of the Cathedral32<\/a><\/sup>; moreover into the Museo Diocesano of Trani is shielded the so-called \u2018Altarolo\u2019 of Charles the First, which is a composite artifact made in ivory and ebony, commissioned by the Angevin king, in order to commemorate the death of his second-born Philip, in 1277, in which the more gothic Mary and her Baby stands into a slim niche and becomes the focus of the narrative programm of the lateral doors, which show the scenes of Christ\u2019s Infancy33<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 13). These examples prove that Mary, with her Baby, was always considered as the first Holy entity to whom to turn to in prayer: she was seen as a favoured mediator, strictly connected with the Lord\u2019s mercy. In the examined reliquaries, her location, directly upon the relic\u2019s box, means that she emphasizes the role of these holy vestigials, protecting and safeguarding them. In order to fix this particular necessity, masters conformed architectural reliquaries, by miniaturizing their scales and embellishing them with precious materials, creating fantastic gothic buildings. These scaling alterations was possible only in \u2018minor\u2019 arts and they fulfill to spread a specific meaning.<\/p>\nFinally, the artifacts, considered in this excursus, <\/em>convey different meanings: on the one hand, the Holy Corporal\u2019s reliquary, based on Lorenzo Maitani\u2019s drawning, is the miniaturisation of the of the Cathedral\u2019s facade in Orvieto and it is still used for the same purpose for which the Cathedral itself was erected, that is to house the Holy linen of Bolsena. On the other hand, the reliquary of saint Sabino and the Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, whose shapes derives directly from architectural structures, create small gothic houses for the Virgin, in which this Holy character, with her shining golden figure, evokes both patrons\u2019 and masters\u2019 magnificence and also helps prayers and believers\u2019s faith to get closer to God. In all these three examples scales are modified: in the first one it happens in order to face practical demands and structural references; in the last two, in order to spread symbolic, religious and devotional meanings.<\/p>\nThis essay was presented to the Annual Medieval Postgraduate Colloquium \u201cScaling the Middle Ages: Size and scale in medieval art\u201d, organized by the Courtauld Institute of Art. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Van Marle, La scuola pittorica orvietana del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/2 (1923-1924), pp. 305-335, in particolare p. 306; E. Zocca, Due oggetti di oreficeria smaltata senese, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/26 (1933), pp. 379-384, in particolare p. 380; E. Carli, Il reliquiario del Corporale ad Orvieto, <\/em>Milano 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Il Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Roma 1965, pp. 123-138; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri gli smalti di Orvieto,<\/em> in \u201cForma e colore: i grandi classici dell\u2019arte, 9\u201d, <\/em>Firenze 1965, p. 1; M.P. Guida di Diario, Precisazioni su Ugolino di Vieri e soci, <\/em>in \u201cNapoli Nobilissima\u201d, V\/V-VI (1967), pp. 217-226, in particolare p. 217; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>\u201cTesori d\u2019arte cristiana. Cento chiese in Europa\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 3-30, in particolare pp. 15-17; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive della Cattedrale, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di Orvieto. Santa Maria Assunta in Cielo, <\/em>Roma 1990, pp. 41-106, in particolare p. 80; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Fra pittura e smalto nella prima met\u00e0 del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cAnnali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa\u201d, vol. 24, III\/2-3 (1994), pp. 739-741, in particolare p. 739; infra<\/em>, E. Cioni, Considerazioni sul reliquiario del Corporale nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 589-612, in particolare p. 589; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del Corporale a Orvieto e lo smalto senese di primo Trecento, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto e le grandi Cattedrali del Duecento, <\/em>atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 169-192, in particolare pp. 169-170; G. Cuccini, s.v. Orvieto. <\/em>Scultura e oreficeria, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019arte medievale, <\/em>vol. VIII, Roma 1997, pp. 894-899; G. Freni, The reliquary of the Holy Corporal in the cathedral of Orvieto: patronage and politics, <\/em>in Art, politics and civic religion in central Italy, 1261-1352: essays by postgraduate students at the Courtauld Institute of Art, <\/em>a cura di J. Cannon-B. Williamson, Aldershot 2000, pp. 117-177, in particolare p. 118; P. Leone de Castris, s.v. Ugolino di Vieri, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019Arte Medievale, <\/em>vol. XI, Roma 2000, pp. 393-395; E. Cioni, Ugolino di Vieri e Viva di Lando<\/em>, <\/em>in Duccio. Alle origini della pittura senese, <\/em>catalogo della mostra (Siena, 2003-2004), a cura di A. Bagnoli-R. Bartalini-L. Bellosi,-M. Laclotte, Milano 2003, pp. 462-466, in particolare p. 466; R. Bartalini, Scultura gotica in Toscana. Maestri, monumenti, cantieri del Due e Trecento, <\/em>Milano 2005, p. 139; E. Rosatelli, La cappella del Corporale nel duomo di Orvieto. Fede-arte-storia, <\/em>Roma 2010, p. 41; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri e \u201csoci orafi\u201d, Reliquiario del Corporale di Bolsena, <\/em>in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte italiana \/ Medioevo. Siena e artisti senesi – Maestri orafi, <\/em>a cura di M.M. Donato, Roma 2013, pp. 80-83. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>X. Barbier de Montault, Le miracle de Bols\u00e8ne et le saint Corporal de Orvi\u00e9to, <\/em>in \u201cLe R\u00e8gne de J\u00e9sus-Christ. Revue illustr\u00e9e du Mus\u00e9e et de la Biblioth\u00e8que eucharistiques de Paray-Le-Monial\u201d, 1884, pp. 187-212; <\/em>E. Carli, Il reliquiario del\u2026<\/em>, 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Le sculture del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Bergamo 1947, p. 10; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-6; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, pp. 35-40: pp. 35-36; G. Freni, The reliquary of\u2026, <\/em>in Art, politics and\u2026, <\/em>2000, p. 123; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. <\/em>Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 81; P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade: papal politics and religious propaganda in medieval Orvieto,<\/em> in Visible exports\/imports: new research on medieval and Renaissance European art and culture, <\/em>a cura di E.J. Anderson-J. Farquhar-J. Richards, Newcastle-upon-Tyne 2012, pp. 125-139, in particolare pp. 131-132. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade\u2026, <\/em>in Visible exports\/imports<\/em>\u2026, 2012, pp. 125-127, 131. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto come problema storiografico, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto e le grandi cattedrali del Duecento<\/em>, Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 13-26: pp. 13-17 says that there were different reasons to the construction of the Cathedral, as civic, municipal, politic, economic and cultural motivs. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-4, 6-7; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 41; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral, ca. 1290-1310, <\/em>in \u201cThe Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians\u201d, 53\/3 (1994), pp. 300-321, in particolare pp. 301-303; A. Fiderer Moskowitz, Italian gothic sculpture c. 1250-c. <\/em>1400, <\/em>Cambridge 2001, pp. 120-130; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo di Orvieto. Metrologia e metrica di un progetto medievale, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa: le cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa; il ciclo scultoreo degli Apostoli e dell’Annunciazione nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>atti del I e II convegno (Orvieto, 11-13 novembre 2005, 16-17 novembre 2007), a cura di L. Andreani-A. Cannistr\u00e0, Orvieto 2010, pp. 55-74, in particolare p. 65. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>A. Garzelli, Museo di Orvieto. <\/em>Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo<\/em>, \u201cMusei d\u2019Italia meraviglie d\u2019Italia, 2\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 36-38; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 4, 7-8; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 42; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Sui disegni figurati trecenteschi del Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo a Orvieto, <\/em>in Ori e tesori d\u2019Europa, <\/em>atti del convegno di studi (Udine, 3-5 dicembre 1991), a cura di G. Bergamini – P. Goi, Udine 1992, pp. 245-254; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral<\/em>, 2001, p. 318; F. Cervini, Tralci di vita e paradisi di marmo. Per una lettura iconografica della facciata, <\/em>in La facciata del duomo di Orvieto. Teologia in figura, <\/em>Milano 2002, p. 46; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 19-20; infra<\/em>, J. White, I disegni per la facciata del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 69-98; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, pp. 55-74. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3, 6; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, pp. 41-42; G. Previtali, Studi sulla scultura gotica in Italia, <\/em>Torino 1991, pp. 16-30; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 17, 22; infra<\/em>, E. Carli, Architettura e scultura, <\/em>pp. 27-52, in particolare pp. 27-36; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, <\/em>2010, p. 57. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, 1990, p. 43; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, p. 58. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d,1965, p. 2; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del\u2026, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 169-170. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, p. 2. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>Ibidem<\/em>; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, p. 37; infra, <\/em>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 81; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 80. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, pp. 2-3. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>](\"http:\/\/oadiriv.unipa.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/ven07.jpg\"){kind=link}
![Fig. 8<\/a>). Instead, the complex sculptural plan which lies on the monumental facade, probably also overseen by capomastro <\/em>Maitani, is summarized into the thirty-one golden silver micro-sculptures19<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nUgolino di Vieri, the most famous goldsmith of the Sienese XIVth<\/sup> century, also signed, with his partner Viva di Lando, another masterpiece of Italian goldsmithry, that is the reliquary of saint Sabino, as the inscription shows20<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 9<\/a>). This is a golden copper artifact, adorned with translucent enamels, depicting angels, Prophets and hagiographical scenes of the eponymous saint, bishop of Canosa in the VIth<\/sup> century. This artifact shows a stand out architectonical conformation: housing skull\u2019s relic of saint Sabino, it moves away from traditional bust-shape reliquaries, used to hold this type of vestigials, and it shapes as a gothic ciborium. Six crouched lions support the hexagonal socle, which replays the form of Siena\u2019s dome; the socle is completed with a hemispherical calotte on a dodecagonal tambour: It is this calotte that houses Saint Sabino\u2019s skull.<\/p>\nOn this basal structure the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Baby raises up, protected within a thin niche, which is composed of six columns, holding up a gothic structure, adorned with gargoyles, pinnacles, peaks and trilobate arches. This niche is surmounted by a peak, housing inside the all-round sculpture of saint Sabino. The whole artifact is completed and culminated with another all-round sculpture of an angel, the result of a later addition21<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nOn the one hand, this reliquary is related with coeval architectonical buildings, both in Florence and in Siena, and, on the other hand, with a previous goldsmithing masterpiece. This is the reliquary of saint Galgano, made around the end of XIIIth<\/sup> century or at the beginning of the following one22<\/a><\/sup>. Moreover, the reliquary of Saint Sabino was also linked with the realisation of the Holy Corporal tabernacle, because, according to an unverified information, it was commissioned to Ugolino di Vieri and Viva di Lando, in order to try out their skills before their later commission on the Holy Corporal reliquary23<\/a><\/sup>; its inscription, nevertheless, only mentiones Ugolino di Vieri, but not Viva di Lando. Independently from the reliability of this notice, the two masterpieces can be considered almost coeval; sometimes, the reliquary of Saint Sabino has been dated by critics to shortly after the Holy Corporal one, approximately between 1340 and 134524<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nAlso in this case, critics have stopped trying to understand the fatherhood of the architectonical structure, of sculptures and of enamles25<\/a><\/sup>, but nobody has sought to explaine why in a reliquary, consecrated to a specific saint, such as saint Sabino, his sculpture occupies such a hidden place, while the Virgin dominates all the composition. In order to stress the importance of this Holy character, also the reliquary\u2019s structure was modified, preferring a ciborium composition, instead of the most canonical body-shape one. The Virgin stands with her solid and massive corporality, regarding her Child, who gently caresses her visage. Formerly she was crowned, but this royal attribute is now lost (Fig. 10<\/a>). Both the sculptures of the Virgin with the Child and of saint Sabino join to the manner of stone sculptors, such as Giovanni Pisano, Tino di Camaino, Goro di Gregorio and also Lando di Pietro, who was Viva di Lando\u2019s father26<\/a><\/sup>: this evidence demonstrates how close stylistic and iconographic relationships between monumental and \u2018minor\u2019 arts were.<\/p>\nAnother Virgin, holding up her Child, stands into a niche in the gothic ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, shielded into the Museo Nicolaiano of Bari27<\/a><\/sup>. This particular artifact has the form of a unique-nave church, surmounted by an high tower (Fig. 11<\/a>). At the base there are four crouched lions, holding the whole architecture. The lower socle is composed of a basic double band: the first and lower level is adorned with an ivy foliage, which runs all around, while on the second and upper one, a series of saints, depicted under round arches, and colourful birds are laid out; both saints and birds are painted with translucent enamels. The central body simulates a gothic Cathedral, with stained-glass windows, some of them are depicted and reproduce saints. Windows are framed under bending arches, which lie on thin buttresses. The central structure is completed with gargoyles, four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus and denticular motives. The roof is double-sloped and adorned with other four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus, in which other saints are enamelled. A tower rises from the centre of the roof, housing inside the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Child (Fig. 12<\/a>). This tower is completed with a pinnacle, enamelled with Hungary emblems, while a lilied cross soars on top28<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em> shares many elements with saint Sabino\u2019s reliquary, first of all the crouched lions, a motive that had a remarkable fortune between XIIIth<\/sup> and XIVth<\/sup> centuries29<\/a><\/sup>; other similar features are translucent enamels, ivy foliage, gargoyles, and lastly, the more gothic Virgin. In the Apulian masterpiece she is crowned and she holds her Baby, assuming a particular pose, the so-called hanchement<\/em>. This was an attitude, mainly connected with ivory sculptures, in which the curvilinear shape of elephant\u2019s fangs imposed a back curving, giving to figures a thin and smart pose. This one was so appreciated that it was transferred from ivory to other supports, such as marble or metals, fitting together with gothic style30<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apuliam ch\u00e2sse<\/em> is dated between 1326 and 1346, according to the opinion which linked this artifact with the personality of Pietro de Morerijs, the proven\u00e7al prior and treasurer of the Basilica of San Nicola in Bari, who fulfilled the role during that time frame. Always considered as a product of the Angevin goldsmithery, however its exact provenance is still not clear: this reliquary is differently related, by critics, to Neapolitan, French or Sienese areas, following the common Angevin thread that introduced gothic art into Southern Italy, passing through Tuscany and Campania31<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nNevertheless, both reliquaries share the presence of the Virgin with her Child, isolated and emphasized under the niche, according to a model replicated into monumental architectures or other artifact\u2019s typologies, such as ivory ones. In Apulia specifically, the connection is with the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta in Lucera, where a Virgin with the Baby is housed into the lunette of the major threshold of the Cathedral32<\/a><\/sup>; moreover into the Museo Diocesano of Trani is shielded the so-called \u2018Altarolo\u2019 of Charles the First, which is a composite artifact made in ivory and ebony, commissioned by the Angevin king, in order to commemorate the death of his second-born Philip, in 1277, in which the more gothic Mary and her Baby stands into a slim niche and becomes the focus of the narrative programm of the lateral doors, which show the scenes of Christ\u2019s Infancy33<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 13). These examples prove that Mary, with her Baby, was always considered as the first Holy entity to whom to turn to in prayer: she was seen as a favoured mediator, strictly connected with the Lord\u2019s mercy. In the examined reliquaries, her location, directly upon the relic\u2019s box, means that she emphasizes the role of these holy vestigials, protecting and safeguarding them. In order to fix this particular necessity, masters conformed architectural reliquaries, by miniaturizing their scales and embellishing them with precious materials, creating fantastic gothic buildings. These scaling alterations was possible only in \u2018minor\u2019 arts and they fulfill to spread a specific meaning.<\/p>\nFinally, the artifacts, considered in this excursus, <\/em>convey different meanings: on the one hand, the Holy Corporal\u2019s reliquary, based on Lorenzo Maitani\u2019s drawning, is the miniaturisation of the of the Cathedral\u2019s facade in Orvieto and it is still used for the same purpose for which the Cathedral itself was erected, that is to house the Holy linen of Bolsena. On the other hand, the reliquary of saint Sabino and the Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, whose shapes derives directly from architectural structures, create small gothic houses for the Virgin, in which this Holy character, with her shining golden figure, evokes both patrons\u2019 and masters\u2019 magnificence and also helps prayers and believers\u2019s faith to get closer to God. In all these three examples scales are modified: in the first one it happens in order to face practical demands and structural references; in the last two, in order to spread symbolic, religious and devotional meanings.<\/p>\nThis essay was presented to the Annual Medieval Postgraduate Colloquium \u201cScaling the Middle Ages: Size and scale in medieval art\u201d, organized by the Courtauld Institute of Art. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Van Marle, La scuola pittorica orvietana del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/2 (1923-1924), pp. 305-335, in particolare p. 306; E. Zocca, Due oggetti di oreficeria smaltata senese, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/26 (1933), pp. 379-384, in particolare p. 380; E. Carli, Il reliquiario del Corporale ad Orvieto, <\/em>Milano 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Il Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Roma 1965, pp. 123-138; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri gli smalti di Orvieto,<\/em> in \u201cForma e colore: i grandi classici dell\u2019arte, 9\u201d, <\/em>Firenze 1965, p. 1; M.P. Guida di Diario, Precisazioni su Ugolino di Vieri e soci, <\/em>in \u201cNapoli Nobilissima\u201d, V\/V-VI (1967), pp. 217-226, in particolare p. 217; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>\u201cTesori d\u2019arte cristiana. Cento chiese in Europa\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 3-30, in particolare pp. 15-17; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive della Cattedrale, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di Orvieto. Santa Maria Assunta in Cielo, <\/em>Roma 1990, pp. 41-106, in particolare p. 80; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Fra pittura e smalto nella prima met\u00e0 del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cAnnali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa\u201d, vol. 24, III\/2-3 (1994), pp. 739-741, in particolare p. 739; infra<\/em>, E. Cioni, Considerazioni sul reliquiario del Corporale nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 589-612, in particolare p. 589; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del Corporale a Orvieto e lo smalto senese di primo Trecento, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto e le grandi Cattedrali del Duecento, <\/em>atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 169-192, in particolare pp. 169-170; G. Cuccini, s.v. Orvieto. <\/em>Scultura e oreficeria, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019arte medievale, <\/em>vol. VIII, Roma 1997, pp. 894-899; G. Freni, The reliquary of the Holy Corporal in the cathedral of Orvieto: patronage and politics, <\/em>in Art, politics and civic religion in central Italy, 1261-1352: essays by postgraduate students at the Courtauld Institute of Art, <\/em>a cura di J. Cannon-B. Williamson, Aldershot 2000, pp. 117-177, in particolare p. 118; P. Leone de Castris, s.v. Ugolino di Vieri, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019Arte Medievale, <\/em>vol. XI, Roma 2000, pp. 393-395; E. Cioni, Ugolino di Vieri e Viva di Lando<\/em>, <\/em>in Duccio. Alle origini della pittura senese, <\/em>catalogo della mostra (Siena, 2003-2004), a cura di A. Bagnoli-R. Bartalini-L. Bellosi,-M. Laclotte, Milano 2003, pp. 462-466, in particolare p. 466; R. Bartalini, Scultura gotica in Toscana. Maestri, monumenti, cantieri del Due e Trecento, <\/em>Milano 2005, p. 139; E. Rosatelli, La cappella del Corporale nel duomo di Orvieto. Fede-arte-storia, <\/em>Roma 2010, p. 41; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri e \u201csoci orafi\u201d, Reliquiario del Corporale di Bolsena, <\/em>in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte italiana \/ Medioevo. Siena e artisti senesi – Maestri orafi, <\/em>a cura di M.M. Donato, Roma 2013, pp. 80-83. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>X. Barbier de Montault, Le miracle de Bols\u00e8ne et le saint Corporal de Orvi\u00e9to, <\/em>in \u201cLe R\u00e8gne de J\u00e9sus-Christ. Revue illustr\u00e9e du Mus\u00e9e et de la Biblioth\u00e8que eucharistiques de Paray-Le-Monial\u201d, 1884, pp. 187-212; <\/em>E. Carli, Il reliquiario del\u2026<\/em>, 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Le sculture del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Bergamo 1947, p. 10; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-6; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, pp. 35-40: pp. 35-36; G. Freni, The reliquary of\u2026, <\/em>in Art, politics and\u2026, <\/em>2000, p. 123; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. <\/em>Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 81; P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade: papal politics and religious propaganda in medieval Orvieto,<\/em> in Visible exports\/imports: new research on medieval and Renaissance European art and culture, <\/em>a cura di E.J. Anderson-J. Farquhar-J. Richards, Newcastle-upon-Tyne 2012, pp. 125-139, in particolare pp. 131-132. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade\u2026, <\/em>in Visible exports\/imports<\/em>\u2026, 2012, pp. 125-127, 131. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto come problema storiografico, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto e le grandi cattedrali del Duecento<\/em>, Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 13-26: pp. 13-17 says that there were different reasons to the construction of the Cathedral, as civic, municipal, politic, economic and cultural motivs. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-4, 6-7; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 41; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral, ca. 1290-1310, <\/em>in \u201cThe Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians\u201d, 53\/3 (1994), pp. 300-321, in particolare pp. 301-303; A. Fiderer Moskowitz, Italian gothic sculpture c. 1250-c. <\/em>1400, <\/em>Cambridge 2001, pp. 120-130; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo di Orvieto. Metrologia e metrica di un progetto medievale, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa: le cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa; il ciclo scultoreo degli Apostoli e dell’Annunciazione nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>atti del I e II convegno (Orvieto, 11-13 novembre 2005, 16-17 novembre 2007), a cura di L. Andreani-A. Cannistr\u00e0, Orvieto 2010, pp. 55-74, in particolare p. 65. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>A. Garzelli, Museo di Orvieto. <\/em>Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo<\/em>, \u201cMusei d\u2019Italia meraviglie d\u2019Italia, 2\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 36-38; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 4, 7-8; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 42; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Sui disegni figurati trecenteschi del Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo a Orvieto, <\/em>in Ori e tesori d\u2019Europa, <\/em>atti del convegno di studi (Udine, 3-5 dicembre 1991), a cura di G. Bergamini – P. Goi, Udine 1992, pp. 245-254; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral<\/em>, 2001, p. 318; F. Cervini, Tralci di vita e paradisi di marmo. Per una lettura iconografica della facciata, <\/em>in La facciata del duomo di Orvieto. Teologia in figura, <\/em>Milano 2002, p. 46; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 19-20; infra<\/em>, J. White, I disegni per la facciata del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 69-98; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, pp. 55-74. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3, 6; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, pp. 41-42; G. Previtali, Studi sulla scultura gotica in Italia, <\/em>Torino 1991, pp. 16-30; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 17, 22; infra<\/em>, E. Carli, Architettura e scultura, <\/em>pp. 27-52, in particolare pp. 27-36; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, <\/em>2010, p. 57. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, 1990, p. 43; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, p. 58. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d,1965, p. 2; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del\u2026, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 169-170. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, p. 2. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>Ibidem<\/em>; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, p. 37; infra, <\/em>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 81; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 80. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, pp. 2-3. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>](\"http:\/\/oadiriv.unipa.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/ven08.jpg\"){kind=link}
![Fig. 9<\/a>). This is a golden copper artifact, adorned with translucent enamels, depicting angels, Prophets and hagiographical scenes of the eponymous saint, bishop of Canosa in the VIth<\/sup> century. This artifact shows a stand out architectonical conformation: housing skull\u2019s relic of saint Sabino, it moves away from traditional bust-shape reliquaries, used to hold this type of vestigials, and it shapes as a gothic ciborium. Six crouched lions support the hexagonal socle, which replays the form of Siena\u2019s dome; the socle is completed with a hemispherical calotte on a dodecagonal tambour: It is this calotte that houses Saint Sabino\u2019s skull.<\/p>\nOn this basal structure the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Baby raises up, protected within a thin niche, which is composed of six columns, holding up a gothic structure, adorned with gargoyles, pinnacles, peaks and trilobate arches. This niche is surmounted by a peak, housing inside the all-round sculpture of saint Sabino. The whole artifact is completed and culminated with another all-round sculpture of an angel, the result of a later addition21<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nOn the one hand, this reliquary is related with coeval architectonical buildings, both in Florence and in Siena, and, on the other hand, with a previous goldsmithing masterpiece. This is the reliquary of saint Galgano, made around the end of XIIIth<\/sup> century or at the beginning of the following one22<\/a><\/sup>. Moreover, the reliquary of Saint Sabino was also linked with the realisation of the Holy Corporal tabernacle, because, according to an unverified information, it was commissioned to Ugolino di Vieri and Viva di Lando, in order to try out their skills before their later commission on the Holy Corporal reliquary23<\/a><\/sup>; its inscription, nevertheless, only mentiones Ugolino di Vieri, but not Viva di Lando. Independently from the reliability of this notice, the two masterpieces can be considered almost coeval; sometimes, the reliquary of Saint Sabino has been dated by critics to shortly after the Holy Corporal one, approximately between 1340 and 134524<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nAlso in this case, critics have stopped trying to understand the fatherhood of the architectonical structure, of sculptures and of enamles25<\/a><\/sup>, but nobody has sought to explaine why in a reliquary, consecrated to a specific saint, such as saint Sabino, his sculpture occupies such a hidden place, while the Virgin dominates all the composition. In order to stress the importance of this Holy character, also the reliquary\u2019s structure was modified, preferring a ciborium composition, instead of the most canonical body-shape one. The Virgin stands with her solid and massive corporality, regarding her Child, who gently caresses her visage. Formerly she was crowned, but this royal attribute is now lost (Fig. 10<\/a>). Both the sculptures of the Virgin with the Child and of saint Sabino join to the manner of stone sculptors, such as Giovanni Pisano, Tino di Camaino, Goro di Gregorio and also Lando di Pietro, who was Viva di Lando\u2019s father26<\/a><\/sup>: this evidence demonstrates how close stylistic and iconographic relationships between monumental and \u2018minor\u2019 arts were.<\/p>\nAnother Virgin, holding up her Child, stands into a niche in the gothic ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, shielded into the Museo Nicolaiano of Bari27<\/a><\/sup>. This particular artifact has the form of a unique-nave church, surmounted by an high tower (Fig. 11<\/a>). At the base there are four crouched lions, holding the whole architecture. The lower socle is composed of a basic double band: the first and lower level is adorned with an ivy foliage, which runs all around, while on the second and upper one, a series of saints, depicted under round arches, and colourful birds are laid out; both saints and birds are painted with translucent enamels. The central body simulates a gothic Cathedral, with stained-glass windows, some of them are depicted and reproduce saints. Windows are framed under bending arches, which lie on thin buttresses. The central structure is completed with gargoyles, four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus and denticular motives. The roof is double-sloped and adorned with other four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus, in which other saints are enamelled. A tower rises from the centre of the roof, housing inside the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Child (Fig. 12<\/a>). This tower is completed with a pinnacle, enamelled with Hungary emblems, while a lilied cross soars on top28<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em> shares many elements with saint Sabino\u2019s reliquary, first of all the crouched lions, a motive that had a remarkable fortune between XIIIth<\/sup> and XIVth<\/sup> centuries29<\/a><\/sup>; other similar features are translucent enamels, ivy foliage, gargoyles, and lastly, the more gothic Virgin. In the Apulian masterpiece she is crowned and she holds her Baby, assuming a particular pose, the so-called hanchement<\/em>. This was an attitude, mainly connected with ivory sculptures, in which the curvilinear shape of elephant\u2019s fangs imposed a back curving, giving to figures a thin and smart pose. This one was so appreciated that it was transferred from ivory to other supports, such as marble or metals, fitting together with gothic style30<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apuliam ch\u00e2sse<\/em> is dated between 1326 and 1346, according to the opinion which linked this artifact with the personality of Pietro de Morerijs, the proven\u00e7al prior and treasurer of the Basilica of San Nicola in Bari, who fulfilled the role during that time frame. Always considered as a product of the Angevin goldsmithery, however its exact provenance is still not clear: this reliquary is differently related, by critics, to Neapolitan, French or Sienese areas, following the common Angevin thread that introduced gothic art into Southern Italy, passing through Tuscany and Campania31<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nNevertheless, both reliquaries share the presence of the Virgin with her Child, isolated and emphasized under the niche, according to a model replicated into monumental architectures or other artifact\u2019s typologies, such as ivory ones. In Apulia specifically, the connection is with the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta in Lucera, where a Virgin with the Baby is housed into the lunette of the major threshold of the Cathedral32<\/a><\/sup>; moreover into the Museo Diocesano of Trani is shielded the so-called \u2018Altarolo\u2019 of Charles the First, which is a composite artifact made in ivory and ebony, commissioned by the Angevin king, in order to commemorate the death of his second-born Philip, in 1277, in which the more gothic Mary and her Baby stands into a slim niche and becomes the focus of the narrative programm of the lateral doors, which show the scenes of Christ\u2019s Infancy33<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 13). These examples prove that Mary, with her Baby, was always considered as the first Holy entity to whom to turn to in prayer: she was seen as a favoured mediator, strictly connected with the Lord\u2019s mercy. In the examined reliquaries, her location, directly upon the relic\u2019s box, means that she emphasizes the role of these holy vestigials, protecting and safeguarding them. In order to fix this particular necessity, masters conformed architectural reliquaries, by miniaturizing their scales and embellishing them with precious materials, creating fantastic gothic buildings. These scaling alterations was possible only in \u2018minor\u2019 arts and they fulfill to spread a specific meaning.<\/p>\nFinally, the artifacts, considered in this excursus, <\/em>convey different meanings: on the one hand, the Holy Corporal\u2019s reliquary, based on Lorenzo Maitani\u2019s drawning, is the miniaturisation of the of the Cathedral\u2019s facade in Orvieto and it is still used for the same purpose for which the Cathedral itself was erected, that is to house the Holy linen of Bolsena. On the other hand, the reliquary of saint Sabino and the Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, whose shapes derives directly from architectural structures, create small gothic houses for the Virgin, in which this Holy character, with her shining golden figure, evokes both patrons\u2019 and masters\u2019 magnificence and also helps prayers and believers\u2019s faith to get closer to God. In all these three examples scales are modified: in the first one it happens in order to face practical demands and structural references; in the last two, in order to spread symbolic, religious and devotional meanings.<\/p>\nThis essay was presented to the Annual Medieval Postgraduate Colloquium \u201cScaling the Middle Ages: Size and scale in medieval art\u201d, organized by the Courtauld Institute of Art. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Van Marle, La scuola pittorica orvietana del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/2 (1923-1924), pp. 305-335, in particolare p. 306; E. Zocca, Due oggetti di oreficeria smaltata senese, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/26 (1933), pp. 379-384, in particolare p. 380; E. Carli, Il reliquiario del Corporale ad Orvieto, <\/em>Milano 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Il Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Roma 1965, pp. 123-138; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri gli smalti di Orvieto,<\/em> in \u201cForma e colore: i grandi classici dell\u2019arte, 9\u201d, <\/em>Firenze 1965, p. 1; M.P. Guida di Diario, Precisazioni su Ugolino di Vieri e soci, <\/em>in \u201cNapoli Nobilissima\u201d, V\/V-VI (1967), pp. 217-226, in particolare p. 217; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>\u201cTesori d\u2019arte cristiana. Cento chiese in Europa\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 3-30, in particolare pp. 15-17; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive della Cattedrale, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di Orvieto. Santa Maria Assunta in Cielo, <\/em>Roma 1990, pp. 41-106, in particolare p. 80; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Fra pittura e smalto nella prima met\u00e0 del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cAnnali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa\u201d, vol. 24, III\/2-3 (1994), pp. 739-741, in particolare p. 739; infra<\/em>, E. Cioni, Considerazioni sul reliquiario del Corporale nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 589-612, in particolare p. 589; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del Corporale a Orvieto e lo smalto senese di primo Trecento, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto e le grandi Cattedrali del Duecento, <\/em>atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 169-192, in particolare pp. 169-170; G. Cuccini, s.v. Orvieto. <\/em>Scultura e oreficeria, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019arte medievale, <\/em>vol. VIII, Roma 1997, pp. 894-899; G. Freni, The reliquary of the Holy Corporal in the cathedral of Orvieto: patronage and politics, <\/em>in Art, politics and civic religion in central Italy, 1261-1352: essays by postgraduate students at the Courtauld Institute of Art, <\/em>a cura di J. Cannon-B. Williamson, Aldershot 2000, pp. 117-177, in particolare p. 118; P. Leone de Castris, s.v. Ugolino di Vieri, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019Arte Medievale, <\/em>vol. XI, Roma 2000, pp. 393-395; E. Cioni, Ugolino di Vieri e Viva di Lando<\/em>, <\/em>in Duccio. Alle origini della pittura senese, <\/em>catalogo della mostra (Siena, 2003-2004), a cura di A. Bagnoli-R. Bartalini-L. Bellosi,-M. Laclotte, Milano 2003, pp. 462-466, in particolare p. 466; R. Bartalini, Scultura gotica in Toscana. Maestri, monumenti, cantieri del Due e Trecento, <\/em>Milano 2005, p. 139; E. Rosatelli, La cappella del Corporale nel duomo di Orvieto. Fede-arte-storia, <\/em>Roma 2010, p. 41; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri e \u201csoci orafi\u201d, Reliquiario del Corporale di Bolsena, <\/em>in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte italiana \/ Medioevo. Siena e artisti senesi – Maestri orafi, <\/em>a cura di M.M. Donato, Roma 2013, pp. 80-83. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>X. Barbier de Montault, Le miracle de Bols\u00e8ne et le saint Corporal de Orvi\u00e9to, <\/em>in \u201cLe R\u00e8gne de J\u00e9sus-Christ. Revue illustr\u00e9e du Mus\u00e9e et de la Biblioth\u00e8que eucharistiques de Paray-Le-Monial\u201d, 1884, pp. 187-212; <\/em>E. Carli, Il reliquiario del\u2026<\/em>, 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Le sculture del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Bergamo 1947, p. 10; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-6; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, pp. 35-40: pp. 35-36; G. Freni, The reliquary of\u2026, <\/em>in Art, politics and\u2026, <\/em>2000, p. 123; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. <\/em>Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 81; P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade: papal politics and religious propaganda in medieval Orvieto,<\/em> in Visible exports\/imports: new research on medieval and Renaissance European art and culture, <\/em>a cura di E.J. Anderson-J. Farquhar-J. Richards, Newcastle-upon-Tyne 2012, pp. 125-139, in particolare pp. 131-132. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade\u2026, <\/em>in Visible exports\/imports<\/em>\u2026, 2012, pp. 125-127, 131. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto come problema storiografico, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto e le grandi cattedrali del Duecento<\/em>, Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 13-26: pp. 13-17 says that there were different reasons to the construction of the Cathedral, as civic, municipal, politic, economic and cultural motivs. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-4, 6-7; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 41; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral, ca. 1290-1310, <\/em>in \u201cThe Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians\u201d, 53\/3 (1994), pp. 300-321, in particolare pp. 301-303; A. Fiderer Moskowitz, Italian gothic sculpture c. 1250-c. <\/em>1400, <\/em>Cambridge 2001, pp. 120-130; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo di Orvieto. Metrologia e metrica di un progetto medievale, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa: le cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa; il ciclo scultoreo degli Apostoli e dell’Annunciazione nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>atti del I e II convegno (Orvieto, 11-13 novembre 2005, 16-17 novembre 2007), a cura di L. Andreani-A. Cannistr\u00e0, Orvieto 2010, pp. 55-74, in particolare p. 65. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>A. Garzelli, Museo di Orvieto. <\/em>Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo<\/em>, \u201cMusei d\u2019Italia meraviglie d\u2019Italia, 2\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 36-38; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 4, 7-8; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 42; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Sui disegni figurati trecenteschi del Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo a Orvieto, <\/em>in Ori e tesori d\u2019Europa, <\/em>atti del convegno di studi (Udine, 3-5 dicembre 1991), a cura di G. Bergamini – P. Goi, Udine 1992, pp. 245-254; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral<\/em>, 2001, p. 318; F. Cervini, Tralci di vita e paradisi di marmo. Per una lettura iconografica della facciata, <\/em>in La facciata del duomo di Orvieto. Teologia in figura, <\/em>Milano 2002, p. 46; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 19-20; infra<\/em>, J. White, I disegni per la facciata del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 69-98; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, pp. 55-74. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3, 6; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, pp. 41-42; G. Previtali, Studi sulla scultura gotica in Italia, <\/em>Torino 1991, pp. 16-30; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 17, 22; infra<\/em>, E. Carli, Architettura e scultura, <\/em>pp. 27-52, in particolare pp. 27-36; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, <\/em>2010, p. 57. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, 1990, p. 43; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, p. 58. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d,1965, p. 2; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del\u2026, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 169-170. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, p. 2. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>Ibidem<\/em>; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, p. 37; infra, <\/em>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 81; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 80. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, pp. 2-3. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>](\"http:\/\/oadiriv.unipa.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/ven09.jpg\"){kind=link}
![Fig. 10<\/a>). Both the sculptures of the Virgin with the Child and of saint Sabino join to the manner of stone sculptors, such as Giovanni Pisano, Tino di Camaino, Goro di Gregorio and also Lando di Pietro, who was Viva di Lando\u2019s father26<\/a><\/sup>: this evidence demonstrates how close stylistic and iconographic relationships between monumental and \u2018minor\u2019 arts were.<\/p>\nAnother Virgin, holding up her Child, stands into a niche in the gothic ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, shielded into the Museo Nicolaiano of Bari27<\/a><\/sup>. This particular artifact has the form of a unique-nave church, surmounted by an high tower (Fig. 11<\/a>). At the base there are four crouched lions, holding the whole architecture. The lower socle is composed of a basic double band: the first and lower level is adorned with an ivy foliage, which runs all around, while on the second and upper one, a series of saints, depicted under round arches, and colourful birds are laid out; both saints and birds are painted with translucent enamels. The central body simulates a gothic Cathedral, with stained-glass windows, some of them are depicted and reproduce saints. Windows are framed under bending arches, which lie on thin buttresses. The central structure is completed with gargoyles, four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus and denticular motives. The roof is double-sloped and adorned with other four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus, in which other saints are enamelled. A tower rises from the centre of the roof, housing inside the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Child (Fig. 12<\/a>). This tower is completed with a pinnacle, enamelled with Hungary emblems, while a lilied cross soars on top28<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em> shares many elements with saint Sabino\u2019s reliquary, first of all the crouched lions, a motive that had a remarkable fortune between XIIIth<\/sup> and XIVth<\/sup> centuries29<\/a><\/sup>; other similar features are translucent enamels, ivy foliage, gargoyles, and lastly, the more gothic Virgin. In the Apulian masterpiece she is crowned and she holds her Baby, assuming a particular pose, the so-called hanchement<\/em>. This was an attitude, mainly connected with ivory sculptures, in which the curvilinear shape of elephant\u2019s fangs imposed a back curving, giving to figures a thin and smart pose. This one was so appreciated that it was transferred from ivory to other supports, such as marble or metals, fitting together with gothic style30<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apuliam ch\u00e2sse<\/em> is dated between 1326 and 1346, according to the opinion which linked this artifact with the personality of Pietro de Morerijs, the proven\u00e7al prior and treasurer of the Basilica of San Nicola in Bari, who fulfilled the role during that time frame. Always considered as a product of the Angevin goldsmithery, however its exact provenance is still not clear: this reliquary is differently related, by critics, to Neapolitan, French or Sienese areas, following the common Angevin thread that introduced gothic art into Southern Italy, passing through Tuscany and Campania31<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nNevertheless, both reliquaries share the presence of the Virgin with her Child, isolated and emphasized under the niche, according to a model replicated into monumental architectures or other artifact\u2019s typologies, such as ivory ones. In Apulia specifically, the connection is with the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta in Lucera, where a Virgin with the Baby is housed into the lunette of the major threshold of the Cathedral32<\/a><\/sup>; moreover into the Museo Diocesano of Trani is shielded the so-called \u2018Altarolo\u2019 of Charles the First, which is a composite artifact made in ivory and ebony, commissioned by the Angevin king, in order to commemorate the death of his second-born Philip, in 1277, in which the more gothic Mary and her Baby stands into a slim niche and becomes the focus of the narrative programm of the lateral doors, which show the scenes of Christ\u2019s Infancy33<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 13). These examples prove that Mary, with her Baby, was always considered as the first Holy entity to whom to turn to in prayer: she was seen as a favoured mediator, strictly connected with the Lord\u2019s mercy. In the examined reliquaries, her location, directly upon the relic\u2019s box, means that she emphasizes the role of these holy vestigials, protecting and safeguarding them. In order to fix this particular necessity, masters conformed architectural reliquaries, by miniaturizing their scales and embellishing them with precious materials, creating fantastic gothic buildings. These scaling alterations was possible only in \u2018minor\u2019 arts and they fulfill to spread a specific meaning.<\/p>\nFinally, the artifacts, considered in this excursus, <\/em>convey different meanings: on the one hand, the Holy Corporal\u2019s reliquary, based on Lorenzo Maitani\u2019s drawning, is the miniaturisation of the of the Cathedral\u2019s facade in Orvieto and it is still used for the same purpose for which the Cathedral itself was erected, that is to house the Holy linen of Bolsena. On the other hand, the reliquary of saint Sabino and the Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, whose shapes derives directly from architectural structures, create small gothic houses for the Virgin, in which this Holy character, with her shining golden figure, evokes both patrons\u2019 and masters\u2019 magnificence and also helps prayers and believers\u2019s faith to get closer to God. In all these three examples scales are modified: in the first one it happens in order to face practical demands and structural references; in the last two, in order to spread symbolic, religious and devotional meanings.<\/p>\nThis essay was presented to the Annual Medieval Postgraduate Colloquium \u201cScaling the Middle Ages: Size and scale in medieval art\u201d, organized by the Courtauld Institute of Art. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Van Marle, La scuola pittorica orvietana del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/2 (1923-1924), pp. 305-335, in particolare p. 306; E. Zocca, Due oggetti di oreficeria smaltata senese, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/26 (1933), pp. 379-384, in particolare p. 380; E. Carli, Il reliquiario del Corporale ad Orvieto, <\/em>Milano 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Il Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Roma 1965, pp. 123-138; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri gli smalti di Orvieto,<\/em> in \u201cForma e colore: i grandi classici dell\u2019arte, 9\u201d, <\/em>Firenze 1965, p. 1; M.P. Guida di Diario, Precisazioni su Ugolino di Vieri e soci, <\/em>in \u201cNapoli Nobilissima\u201d, V\/V-VI (1967), pp. 217-226, in particolare p. 217; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>\u201cTesori d\u2019arte cristiana. Cento chiese in Europa\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 3-30, in particolare pp. 15-17; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive della Cattedrale, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di Orvieto. Santa Maria Assunta in Cielo, <\/em>Roma 1990, pp. 41-106, in particolare p. 80; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Fra pittura e smalto nella prima met\u00e0 del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cAnnali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa\u201d, vol. 24, III\/2-3 (1994), pp. 739-741, in particolare p. 739; infra<\/em>, E. Cioni, Considerazioni sul reliquiario del Corporale nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 589-612, in particolare p. 589; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del Corporale a Orvieto e lo smalto senese di primo Trecento, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto e le grandi Cattedrali del Duecento, <\/em>atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 169-192, in particolare pp. 169-170; G. Cuccini, s.v. Orvieto. <\/em>Scultura e oreficeria, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019arte medievale, <\/em>vol. VIII, Roma 1997, pp. 894-899; G. Freni, The reliquary of the Holy Corporal in the cathedral of Orvieto: patronage and politics, <\/em>in Art, politics and civic religion in central Italy, 1261-1352: essays by postgraduate students at the Courtauld Institute of Art, <\/em>a cura di J. Cannon-B. Williamson, Aldershot 2000, pp. 117-177, in particolare p. 118; P. Leone de Castris, s.v. Ugolino di Vieri, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019Arte Medievale, <\/em>vol. XI, Roma 2000, pp. 393-395; E. Cioni, Ugolino di Vieri e Viva di Lando<\/em>, <\/em>in Duccio. Alle origini della pittura senese, <\/em>catalogo della mostra (Siena, 2003-2004), a cura di A. Bagnoli-R. Bartalini-L. Bellosi,-M. Laclotte, Milano 2003, pp. 462-466, in particolare p. 466; R. Bartalini, Scultura gotica in Toscana. Maestri, monumenti, cantieri del Due e Trecento, <\/em>Milano 2005, p. 139; E. Rosatelli, La cappella del Corporale nel duomo di Orvieto. Fede-arte-storia, <\/em>Roma 2010, p. 41; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri e \u201csoci orafi\u201d, Reliquiario del Corporale di Bolsena, <\/em>in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte italiana \/ Medioevo. Siena e artisti senesi – Maestri orafi, <\/em>a cura di M.M. Donato, Roma 2013, pp. 80-83. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>X. Barbier de Montault, Le miracle de Bols\u00e8ne et le saint Corporal de Orvi\u00e9to, <\/em>in \u201cLe R\u00e8gne de J\u00e9sus-Christ. Revue illustr\u00e9e du Mus\u00e9e et de la Biblioth\u00e8que eucharistiques de Paray-Le-Monial\u201d, 1884, pp. 187-212; <\/em>E. Carli, Il reliquiario del\u2026<\/em>, 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Le sculture del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Bergamo 1947, p. 10; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-6; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, pp. 35-40: pp. 35-36; G. Freni, The reliquary of\u2026, <\/em>in Art, politics and\u2026, <\/em>2000, p. 123; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. <\/em>Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 81; P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade: papal politics and religious propaganda in medieval Orvieto,<\/em> in Visible exports\/imports: new research on medieval and Renaissance European art and culture, <\/em>a cura di E.J. Anderson-J. Farquhar-J. Richards, Newcastle-upon-Tyne 2012, pp. 125-139, in particolare pp. 131-132. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade\u2026, <\/em>in Visible exports\/imports<\/em>\u2026, 2012, pp. 125-127, 131. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto come problema storiografico, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto e le grandi cattedrali del Duecento<\/em>, Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 13-26: pp. 13-17 says that there were different reasons to the construction of the Cathedral, as civic, municipal, politic, economic and cultural motivs. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-4, 6-7; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 41; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral, ca. 1290-1310, <\/em>in \u201cThe Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians\u201d, 53\/3 (1994), pp. 300-321, in particolare pp. 301-303; A. Fiderer Moskowitz, Italian gothic sculpture c. 1250-c. <\/em>1400, <\/em>Cambridge 2001, pp. 120-130; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo di Orvieto. Metrologia e metrica di un progetto medievale, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa: le cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa; il ciclo scultoreo degli Apostoli e dell’Annunciazione nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>atti del I e II convegno (Orvieto, 11-13 novembre 2005, 16-17 novembre 2007), a cura di L. Andreani-A. Cannistr\u00e0, Orvieto 2010, pp. 55-74, in particolare p. 65. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>A. Garzelli, Museo di Orvieto. <\/em>Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo<\/em>, \u201cMusei d\u2019Italia meraviglie d\u2019Italia, 2\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 36-38; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 4, 7-8; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 42; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Sui disegni figurati trecenteschi del Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo a Orvieto, <\/em>in Ori e tesori d\u2019Europa, <\/em>atti del convegno di studi (Udine, 3-5 dicembre 1991), a cura di G. Bergamini – P. Goi, Udine 1992, pp. 245-254; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral<\/em>, 2001, p. 318; F. Cervini, Tralci di vita e paradisi di marmo. Per una lettura iconografica della facciata, <\/em>in La facciata del duomo di Orvieto. Teologia in figura, <\/em>Milano 2002, p. 46; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 19-20; infra<\/em>, J. White, I disegni per la facciata del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 69-98; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, pp. 55-74. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3, 6; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, pp. 41-42; G. Previtali, Studi sulla scultura gotica in Italia, <\/em>Torino 1991, pp. 16-30; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 17, 22; infra<\/em>, E. Carli, Architettura e scultura, <\/em>pp. 27-52, in particolare pp. 27-36; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, <\/em>2010, p. 57. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, 1990, p. 43; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, p. 58. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d,1965, p. 2; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del\u2026, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 169-170. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, p. 2. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>Ibidem<\/em>; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, p. 37; infra, <\/em>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 81; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 80. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, pp. 2-3. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>](\"http:\/\/oadiriv.unipa.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/ven10.jpg\"){kind=link}
![Fig. 11<\/a>). At the base there are four crouched lions, holding the whole architecture. The lower socle is composed of a basic double band: the first and lower level is adorned with an ivy foliage, which runs all around, while on the second and upper one, a series of saints, depicted under round arches, and colourful birds are laid out; both saints and birds are painted with translucent enamels. The central body simulates a gothic Cathedral, with stained-glass windows, some of them are depicted and reproduce saints. Windows are framed under bending arches, which lie on thin buttresses. The central structure is completed with gargoyles, four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus and denticular motives. The roof is double-sloped and adorned with other four-petal flowers inscribed into clipeus, in which other saints are enamelled. A tower rises from the centre of the roof, housing inside the all-round sculpture of the Virgin with the Child (](\"http:\/\/oadiriv.unipa.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/ven11.jpg\"){kind=link}
![Fig. 12<\/a>). This tower is completed with a pinnacle, enamelled with Hungary emblems, while a lilied cross soars on top28<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em> shares many elements with saint Sabino\u2019s reliquary, first of all the crouched lions, a motive that had a remarkable fortune between XIIIth<\/sup> and XIVth<\/sup> centuries29<\/a><\/sup>; other similar features are translucent enamels, ivy foliage, gargoyles, and lastly, the more gothic Virgin. In the Apulian masterpiece she is crowned and she holds her Baby, assuming a particular pose, the so-called hanchement<\/em>. This was an attitude, mainly connected with ivory sculptures, in which the curvilinear shape of elephant\u2019s fangs imposed a back curving, giving to figures a thin and smart pose. This one was so appreciated that it was transferred from ivory to other supports, such as marble or metals, fitting together with gothic style30<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nThe Apuliam ch\u00e2sse<\/em> is dated between 1326 and 1346, according to the opinion which linked this artifact with the personality of Pietro de Morerijs, the proven\u00e7al prior and treasurer of the Basilica of San Nicola in Bari, who fulfilled the role during that time frame. Always considered as a product of the Angevin goldsmithery, however its exact provenance is still not clear: this reliquary is differently related, by critics, to Neapolitan, French or Sienese areas, following the common Angevin thread that introduced gothic art into Southern Italy, passing through Tuscany and Campania31<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\nNevertheless, both reliquaries share the presence of the Virgin with her Child, isolated and emphasized under the niche, according to a model replicated into monumental architectures or other artifact\u2019s typologies, such as ivory ones. In Apulia specifically, the connection is with the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta in Lucera, where a Virgin with the Baby is housed into the lunette of the major threshold of the Cathedral32<\/a><\/sup>; moreover into the Museo Diocesano of Trani is shielded the so-called \u2018Altarolo\u2019 of Charles the First, which is a composite artifact made in ivory and ebony, commissioned by the Angevin king, in order to commemorate the death of his second-born Philip, in 1277, in which the more gothic Mary and her Baby stands into a slim niche and becomes the focus of the narrative programm of the lateral doors, which show the scenes of Christ\u2019s Infancy33<\/a><\/sup> (Fig. 13). These examples prove that Mary, with her Baby, was always considered as the first Holy entity to whom to turn to in prayer: she was seen as a favoured mediator, strictly connected with the Lord\u2019s mercy. In the examined reliquaries, her location, directly upon the relic\u2019s box, means that she emphasizes the role of these holy vestigials, protecting and safeguarding them. In order to fix this particular necessity, masters conformed architectural reliquaries, by miniaturizing their scales and embellishing them with precious materials, creating fantastic gothic buildings. These scaling alterations was possible only in \u2018minor\u2019 arts and they fulfill to spread a specific meaning.<\/p>\nFinally, the artifacts, considered in this excursus, <\/em>convey different meanings: on the one hand, the Holy Corporal\u2019s reliquary, based on Lorenzo Maitani\u2019s drawning, is the miniaturisation of the of the Cathedral\u2019s facade in Orvieto and it is still used for the same purpose for which the Cathedral itself was erected, that is to house the Holy linen of Bolsena. On the other hand, the reliquary of saint Sabino and the Apulian ch\u00e2sse<\/em>, whose shapes derives directly from architectural structures, create small gothic houses for the Virgin, in which this Holy character, with her shining golden figure, evokes both patrons\u2019 and masters\u2019 magnificence and also helps prayers and believers\u2019s faith to get closer to God. In all these three examples scales are modified: in the first one it happens in order to face practical demands and structural references; in the last two, in order to spread symbolic, religious and devotional meanings.<\/p>\nThis essay was presented to the Annual Medieval Postgraduate Colloquium \u201cScaling the Middle Ages: Size and scale in medieval art\u201d, organized by the Courtauld Institute of Art. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Van Marle, La scuola pittorica orvietana del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/2 (1923-1924), pp. 305-335, in particolare p. 306; E. Zocca, Due oggetti di oreficeria smaltata senese, <\/em>in \u201cBollettino d\u2019Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione\u201d, III\/26 (1933), pp. 379-384, in particolare p. 380; E. Carli, Il reliquiario del Corporale ad Orvieto, <\/em>Milano 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Il Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Roma 1965, pp. 123-138; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri gli smalti di Orvieto,<\/em> in \u201cForma e colore: i grandi classici dell\u2019arte, 9\u201d, <\/em>Firenze 1965, p. 1; M.P. Guida di Diario, Precisazioni su Ugolino di Vieri e soci, <\/em>in \u201cNapoli Nobilissima\u201d, V\/V-VI (1967), pp. 217-226, in particolare p. 217; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>\u201cTesori d\u2019arte cristiana. Cento chiese in Europa\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 3-30, in particolare pp. 15-17; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive della Cattedrale, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di Orvieto. Santa Maria Assunta in Cielo, <\/em>Roma 1990, pp. 41-106, in particolare p. 80; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Fra pittura e smalto nella prima met\u00e0 del Trecento, <\/em>in \u201cAnnali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa\u201d, vol. 24, III\/2-3 (1994), pp. 739-741, in particolare p. 739; infra<\/em>, E. Cioni, Considerazioni sul reliquiario del Corporale nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 589-612, in particolare p. 589; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del Corporale a Orvieto e lo smalto senese di primo Trecento, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto e le grandi Cattedrali del Duecento, <\/em>atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 169-192, in particolare pp. 169-170; G. Cuccini, s.v. Orvieto. <\/em>Scultura e oreficeria, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019arte medievale, <\/em>vol. VIII, Roma 1997, pp. 894-899; G. Freni, The reliquary of the Holy Corporal in the cathedral of Orvieto: patronage and politics, <\/em>in Art, politics and civic religion in central Italy, 1261-1352: essays by postgraduate students at the Courtauld Institute of Art, <\/em>a cura di J. Cannon-B. Williamson, Aldershot 2000, pp. 117-177, in particolare p. 118; P. Leone de Castris, s.v. Ugolino di Vieri, <\/em>in Enciclopedia dell\u2019Arte Medievale, <\/em>vol. XI, Roma 2000, pp. 393-395; E. Cioni, Ugolino di Vieri e Viva di Lando<\/em>, <\/em>in Duccio. Alle origini della pittura senese, <\/em>catalogo della mostra (Siena, 2003-2004), a cura di A. Bagnoli-R. Bartalini-L. Bellosi,-M. Laclotte, Milano 2003, pp. 462-466, in particolare p. 466; R. Bartalini, Scultura gotica in Toscana. Maestri, monumenti, cantieri del Due e Trecento, <\/em>Milano 2005, p. 139; E. Rosatelli, La cappella del Corporale nel duomo di Orvieto. Fede-arte-storia, <\/em>Roma 2010, p. 41; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri e \u201csoci orafi\u201d, Reliquiario del Corporale di Bolsena, <\/em>in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte italiana \/ Medioevo. Siena e artisti senesi – Maestri orafi, <\/em>a cura di M.M. Donato, Roma 2013, pp. 80-83. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>X. Barbier de Montault, Le miracle de Bols\u00e8ne et le saint Corporal de Orvi\u00e9to, <\/em>in \u201cLe R\u00e8gne de J\u00e9sus-Christ. Revue illustr\u00e9e du Mus\u00e9e et de la Biblioth\u00e8que eucharistiques de Paray-Le-Monial\u201d, 1884, pp. 187-212; <\/em>E. Carli, Il reliquiario del\u2026<\/em>, 1964, pp. 7-22; Idem, Le sculture del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>Bergamo 1947, p. 10; P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-6; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, pp. 35-40: pp. 35-36; G. Freni, The reliquary of\u2026, <\/em>in Art, politics and\u2026, <\/em>2000, p. 123; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. <\/em>Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 81; P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade: papal politics and religious propaganda in medieval Orvieto,<\/em> in Visible exports\/imports: new research on medieval and Renaissance European art and culture, <\/em>a cura di E.J. Anderson-J. Farquhar-J. Richards, Newcastle-upon-Tyne 2012, pp. 125-139, in particolare pp. 131-132. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Salonius, The cathedral fa\u00e7ade\u2026, <\/em>in Visible exports\/imports<\/em>\u2026, 2012, pp. 125-127, 131. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto come problema storiografico, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto e le grandi cattedrali del Duecento<\/em>, Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi (Orvieto, 12-14 novembre 1990), a cura di G. Barlozzetti, Torino 1995, pp. 13-26: pp. 13-17 says that there were different reasons to the construction of the Cathedral, as civic, municipal, politic, economic and cultural motivs. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, 1965, p. 1; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3-4, 6-7; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 41; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral, ca. 1290-1310, <\/em>in \u201cThe Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians\u201d, 53\/3 (1994), pp. 300-321, in particolare pp. 301-303; A. Fiderer Moskowitz, Italian gothic sculpture c. 1250-c. <\/em>1400, <\/em>Cambridge 2001, pp. 120-130; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo di Orvieto. Metrologia e metrica di un progetto medievale, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa: le cattedrali, segni delle radici cristiane in Europa; il ciclo scultoreo degli Apostoli e dell’Annunciazione nel Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>atti del I e II convegno (Orvieto, 11-13 novembre 2005, 16-17 novembre 2007), a cura di L. Andreani-A. Cannistr\u00e0, Orvieto 2010, pp. 55-74, in particolare p. 65. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>A. Garzelli, Museo di Orvieto. <\/em>Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo<\/em>, \u201cMusei d\u2019Italia meraviglie d\u2019Italia, 2\u201d, Bologna 1972, pp. 36-38; R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 4, 7-8; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 42; A.R. Calderoni Masetti, Sui disegni figurati trecenteschi del Museo dell\u2019Opera del Duomo a Orvieto, <\/em>in Ori e tesori d\u2019Europa, <\/em>atti del convegno di studi (Udine, 3-5 dicembre 1991), a cura di G. Bergamini – P. Goi, Udine 1992, pp. 245-254; D.M. Gillerman, The Evolution of the Design of Orvieto Cathedral<\/em>, 2001, p. 318; F. Cervini, Tralci di vita e paradisi di marmo. Per una lettura iconografica della facciata, <\/em>in La facciata del duomo di Orvieto. Teologia in figura, <\/em>Milano 2002, p. 46; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 19-20; infra<\/em>, J. White, I disegni per la facciata del Duomo di Orvieto, <\/em>pp. 69-98; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, pp. 55-74. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>R. Roli, Duomo di Orvieto<\/em>, 1972, pp. 3, 6; G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, pp. 41-42; G. Previtali, Studi sulla scultura gotica in Italia, <\/em>Torino 1991, pp. 16-30; R. Bonelli, Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>in Il duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 17, 22; infra<\/em>, E. Carli, Architettura e scultura, <\/em>pp. 27-52, in particolare pp. 27-36; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, <\/em>2010, p. 57. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, 1990, p. 43; R. Davanzo, La facciata del Duomo\u2026, <\/em>in Cattedrali, segni delle<\/em>\u2026, 2010, p. 58. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d,1965, p. 2; P. Leone de Castris, Il reliquiario del\u2026, <\/em>in Il Duomo di Orvieto\u2026, <\/em>1995, pp. 169-170. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, p. 2. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>Ibidem<\/em>; E. Rosatelli, Un miracolo nel miracolo, <\/em>1990, p. 37; infra, <\/em>G. Testa, Le vicende costruttive\u2026, <\/em>in G. Testa, La cattedrale di\u2026<\/em>, <\/em>1990, p. 81; M. Tomasi, 5.S.3.1. Ugolino di Vieri \u2026,<\/em> in Opere firmate nell\u2019arte\u2026, <\/em>2013, p. 80. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>P. Dal Poggetto, Ugolino di Vieri\u2026, <\/em>in \u201cForma e colore\u2026\u201d, <\/em>1965, pp. 2-3. [↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>](\"http:\/\/oadiriv.unipa.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/ven12.jpg\"){kind=link}